IN VITRO VIABILITY AFTER VITRIFICATION OF Mus domesticuts domesticus VLATOCYSTS CULTURED FROM ONE-CELL

Foram realizados três experimentos para se avaliar o desenvolvimento in vitro de blastocistos de Mus domesticus domesticus (CF1xSWISS) cultivados a partir de embriões de 1-célula, após exposição e vitrificação em solução crioprotetora contendo 9,0 M de EG acrescido ou não de 0,3 M de SAC. No experimento 1, após o cultivo de 755 embriões de 1-célula, foram observadas taxas de eclosão de 53,0% para o meio HTF e de 61,7% para o meio KSOM (P>0,05), suplementados com 4 mg/ml de BSA + 20 e 25 mM de HEPES. No experimento 2 testaram-se os possíveis efeitos tóxicos ds soluções crioprotetoras propostas: VS1 = 1,8 M EG em PBS + 6% BSA (60 s) seguido de 9,0 M EG em PBS + 6% BSA (imersão direta) e VS2 = 9,0 M EG + 0,3 M SAC em PBS + 6% BSA (imersão direta) em 152 blastocistos cultivdos a partir de embriões de 1-célula em meio KSOM com 25 mM de HEPES. Não houve diferença significativa (P>0,05) entre os grupos controle (86%), VS1 (82,3%) e VS2 (78,4%). No experimento 3, 140 blastocistos cultivados por 72 h em meio KSOM com 4 mg/ml modificadas (OPSm) nas soluções crioprotetoras acima descritas, alcançando taxas de eclosão de 45,7 e 41,4% para VS1 e VS2 (P>0,05), respectivamente. Portanto, concluiu-se que ambos os meios, HTF e KSOM acrescidos de BSA e HEPES, proporcionaram o completo desenvolvimento embrionário in vitro. Apesar de não ter ocorrido diferença estatística (P>0,05), no meio KSOM observou-se que os embriões tiveram uma curva de crescimento mais homogênea e melhores taxas de eclosão, representando mais uma alternativa para o cultivo de embriões de 1-célula. Igualmente, não houve variação significativa (P>0,05) nas taxas de eclosão para os blastocistos de Mus domesticus domesticus vitrificados nas soluções crioprotetoras contendo 9,0 M de EG com ou sem o acréscimo de 0,3 M de SAC.Three experiments were carried out in order to evaluate the in vitro development of Mus domesticus domesticus (CF1xSWISS) blastocysts cultured from one-cell embryos after exposition and vitrification in a cryoprotectant solution composed of 9.0 M EG additioned or no of 0.3 M SAC. In the first experiment, after the culture of 755 one-cell embryos, were observed the hatching rates of 53.0% for HTF medium and 61.7% for KSOM medium (P>0,05) supplemented with 4 mg/ml BSA + 20 and 25 mM HEPES, respectively. In the second experiment were evaluated the capacity of the embryos to hatching after exposition to the cryoprotectant solutions proposed (VS1 = 1.8 M EG in PBS + 6% BSA (120 s) followed by 9.0 M EG in PBS + 6% BSA and VS2 = 9.0 M EG + 0.3 M SAC in PBS + 6% BSA). First the embryos were cultured from one-cell to blastocyst stage and after 152 blastocysts were exposed to the vitrification solutions (VS1 and VS2). The exposition dont showed significant difference (P>0.05) among the control (86.0%), VS1 (82.3%) and VS2 (78.4%) groups. In the third experiment 140 blastocysts cultured for 72 h in KSOM with 4 mg/ml BSA + 25 mM HEPES were vitrified in 0.25 ml modified straws (OPSm) in the cryoprotectant solutions previously described, reaching hatching rates of 45.7 an 41.4% in VS1 and VS2 (P>0.05), respectively. Then, it was concluded that both HTF and KSOM + BSA and HEPES produced a complete in vitro preimplantation embryos development. However, the embryos cultured in KSOM medium showed a homogeneous growing curvature and higher hatching rates, which can be another alternative for culture of one-cell embryos. Equally, there were no differences (P>0.05) in the hatching rates between Mus domesticus domesticus vitrified blastocysts in cryoprotectant solutions containing 9.0 m EG with or without the addition of 0.3 M SAC

Perceção dos alunos do 3.º ciclo do ensino básico e seus encarregados de educação sobre os alimentos promotores de saúde

XVIII Congresso Anual da Associação Portuguesa de Nutrição Entérica e Parentérica. Porto, 11 e 12 de Abril de 2016.O objetivo deste estudo foi avaliar a influência do conhecimento do conceito de Alimento Promotor de Saúde (APS) na perceção sobre o mesmo pelos alunos do 3.º ciclo do ensino básico da ilha Terceira e respetivos encarregados de educação (EE). Recorreu-se a um questionário de aplicação direta numa amostra não probabilística de 3 turmas por ano de escolaridade. Os alunos (36,5%) e os EE (45,7%) associaram o conceito de APS a alimentos saudáveis e só 38,1% dos alunos e 44,4% dos EE selecionaram corretamente APS e/ou alimentos funcionais. Alunos e EE consideram os APS necessários e revelaram atitudes positivas em relação aos mesmos, mas também alguma desconfiança.Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, no âmbito do concurso "Literacia da Saúde 2014

Milk and Byproducts Exports, Is It a Solution for Producers or a Problem for Consumers?

International Relations/Trade,

Ukraine Geopolitical European Flashpoints vis-à-vis India and China: From Ambivalence to Strategic Engagement

Ukraine’s Westward drift has been countered by Russia’s invasion. This conflict marks a dramatic escalation of rivalry and a momentous crossroads for global security, symbolizing a clear alteration in the world’s security milieu from a unipolarity to one demarcated by a revival of Cold War competitiveness and global reconfiguration of power balance. Some political analysts view it as a manifestation of the Kremlin’s growing antipathy towards the U.S., NATO, and implicitly the EU’s post–Cold War expansionism into the erstwhile USSR’s sphere of influence. Response from the global community toward the invasion of Ukraine has been mixed: there has been an array of condemnations that is pushing the international community to a New Cold War, (re)aligning the EU, NATO, and the U.S. on a number of key issues, but many have staked a tacit, condoning stance that prioritizes the protection of their own immediate interests. Meanwhile, ideological, nuclear and economic powers such as China and India have adopted strategic ambivalence towards the invasion. China, as a member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and as an alternative ideological power house, is also facing a sort of paradox with Chinese characteristics. India, as the world’s sixth largest economy and an emerging power devoted to self-reliance, has seized the opportunity to capitalize on the Russia-India-China trilateral strategic cooperation. This is significant, as, together, China and India account for more than half of all FDI-inflow to low- and middle-income countries. However, as the war wears on, the appeal of any initial constructive neutrality begins to backfire. For China, it damages its branding of peaceful options, severs its economic partnerships with the EU, and reinforces the trade-war antagonist perceptions in relation to the U.S. in light of the looming isolation of Russia. The 2024 U.S. presidential elections will likely add more uncertainty. Ultimately, this research illuminates how India and China’s involvement may impact the EU’s security. The research uses an inductive methodology and combines analyses of events, qualitative primary sources, key media references, the realism school of international relations, and it is organized as follows: (1) Introduction: The new Cold Power Play and Hot War; (2) Decoding India’s Strategic Ambivalence; (3) EU and China: Diplomatic aloofness or constructive engagement? (4) China-Russia: Paradox with Chinese Characteristics; (5) Conclusio

Brittle Guinea-Bissau: a quest for political and economic stability

This research paper analyzed a fundamental challenge facing the Republic of Guinea-Bissau (GB) — political instability. Since GB declared independence on September 24, 1973, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC) has failed to bring political stability to what is now one of the poorest countries in the world. Reviewing GB’s political history from its first head of state Luís Cabral (1974–1980) to 2022, we see that there have been 16 heads of state, 30 heads of government, a considerable number of ministers, numerous failed national economic development plans, a year-long civil war, two suspensions of the constitution, and at least four successful coups d’état (and numerous failed attempts). Today, GB remains one of the least developed countries in the world with poor spatial development initiatives, is located in a challenging regional environment, and has a politically relevant diaspora. However, GB is home to approximately two million inhabitants, holds a remarkable range of fauna and flora, and has a unique immaterial heritage that must be protected — which can only be achieved with political stability. The protection of this heritage was an important reason that, in 1996, UNESCO classified the Bolama-Bijagós region as a World Biosphere Ecological Reserve. Considering all of these aspects, we posed and answered the following research question: How can Guinea-Bissau overcome its governance instability as a condition to disentangle itself from its impoverished status? This research question is particularly important in the context of avoiding being exposed to the economic interests of external actors. Methodologically, we use Dahl’s democracy model (2015) and a qualitative approach in the context of a data triangulation involving primary sources, official sources, and media reports.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Game change in the Gulf of Guinea: three intertwined perspectives on Sino-Equatoguinean cooperation

The Republic of Equatorial Guinea (EG) joined the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and Portuguese-speaking Countries (Forum Macao) in 2022, becoming the tenth member-state. This occurred during the 2022 Extraordinary Ministerial Conference, after it acceded to the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014. Since 2015, China and EG have been intensifying their bilateral cooperation after establishing a comprehensive cooperative partnership (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 2015). In 2019, the two countries signed a Belt and Road Initiative (B&RI) MoU during the second Belt and Road Forum in Beijing, and initiated a strategic approach for bilateral cooperation. Consequently, considering the uniqueness of EG as a Portuguese-speaking Country (PSC) and as the newest member of Forum Macao, this paper poses and answers the following research question: What will be the impact of Sino-Equatoguinean cooperation in light of EG’s recent accession to FM? Methodologically, the research uses qualitative data supported by triangular referencing, including official and non-official sources, namely official statistics, academic papers, and media reports, to look into the bilateral Sino-Equatoguinean relations under the B&RI Lusophone framework, as well as the fact that EG is a CPLP member state. Accordingly, the methodologic rationale focuses on the uniqueness of EG as one of the Lusophone countries and relates it to the Chinese B&RI at three levels: domestic, regional and global. This paper is organized as follows: (1) Introduction; (2) The uniqueness of EG as a PSC; (3) The B&RI and the Lusophone Countries; (4) Cooperation between Equatorial Guinea and China; (5) Conclusion – The Future of Sino-Equatoguinean Cooperation.A República da Guiné Equatorial (GE) tornou-se membro do Fórum para a Cooperação Económica e Comercial entre a China e os Países de Língua Portuguesa (Fórum de Macau, doravante designado por FM) em 2022, tornando-se o décimo estado a fazê-lo. A integração oficial da GE, decorreu à margem da Reunião Extraordinária Ministerial do Fórum de Macau em 2022, após o país ter aderido à Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) em 2014. Desde 2015, a China e a GE têm vindo a intensificar a cooperação bilateral desde o estabelecimento das relações de parceria de cooperação abrangente (Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros da República Popular da China, 2015). Em 2019, os dois países assinaram o Memorando de Entendimento sobre a Iniciativa Uma Faixa Uma Rota (B&RI, em sigla inglesa) durante a segunda edição do Fórum Faixa e Rota em Pequim e iniciaram desde já uma abordagem estratégica na cooperação bilateral. Por conseguinte, tendo em consideração a singularidade da GE como País de Língua Portuguesa e o facto de ser o mais recente membro do FM, este artigo coloca e responde à seguinte questão central de investigação: Qual será o impacto da cooperação Sino-Equatoguineense à luz da recente adesão da GE ao FM? Metodologicamente, a investigação utiliza dados qualitativos sustentados por referências triangulares, incluindo relatórios oficiais e não oficiais, estatísticas oficiais, documentos académicos e notícias dos meios de comunicação social, para analisar as relações bilaterais Sino-Equatoguineenses no âmbito da B&RI nos países lusófonos. Desse modo, a fundamentação qualitativa metodológica centra-se na singularidade da GE como um dos países lusófonos que se envolve na B&RI Chinesa em três níveis: doméstico, regional e global. O presente artigo apresenta a seguinte estrutura: (1) Introdução; (2) A singularidade da GE como um dos PLP; (3) B&RI e os Países Lusófonos; (4) Cooperação entre a Guiné Equatorial e a China; (5) Conclusão - o Futuro da Cooperação Sino-Equatoguineense.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Ukraine Effect: Are we Groping for a New World Order?

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has upended the contemporary world order - and with it the global energy, manufacture, supply, and financial systems in deep distress. In many ways the war recaps the appalling horrors of the two world wars. The conflict between Moscow and Kiev is unfolding against the backdrop of other correspondingly significant crises and cataclysms, for instance the continuing coronavirus pandemic, worsened tensions namely in the U.S. - China relations, U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, uncertainty in the Sahel Region, the unending civil war in Yemen, increased nuclear polarization in North Korea, and lead to a new pattern of European rearmament. The cost of war is having geopolitical and economic ramifications on the rest of the world. The Russian aggression in Ukraine is manifestation of the struggle for a new world order. Russia and China are openly challenging the Pax Americana, far beyond the visible economic realm. The recent Global Security Initiative (GSI) put forward by the Chinese President, in the April 2022 at BOAO forum, the narratives associated to Shangri-La 2022 defense talks, the Global Development Initiative proposed at the UN General Assembly 2021 and the Global Think Tank Network for Democracy Studies, underlined this evidence. As asserted by Kuo, the GSI is “Blueprint for integrating China’s security priorities and practices (…) Using the U.N. aegis, Beijing is promoting China as a primus inter pares dispute arbiter, architect of new regional security frameworks, and trainer of security professionals and police forces in developing countries” (Kuo, 2023). But the question how the next world order will look like remains open. The Russian war in Ukraine has fast-tracked a shift in the world order forcing a renewed balance of power. There’s an extensive assessment that the “Ukraine effect” could be as sweeping in restructuring global relations as significant as the chain of events following the breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1989 expect that this time the power shift might be away from Washington hegemony. Since President Vladimir Putin attack on Ukraine on 24 February 2022, there is proliferation of research and academic papers about the future shape of world order. Therefore, these developments beg questions: Is the idea of an “end” to history is fallacy? Are there no key difficulties within liberal policies that can fuel struggle and contradictions? Is Ukraine a wake-up call for Western Liberal order? Do liberal democracies need to pay cognizance to rapidly emerging new international order which is less weighed down by old ideological loyalties but is more realist and transactional and driven by national interests? How can we comprehend China-Russia open diplomatic alignment? This paper provides an analytical discussion on New-Cold War developments and the emerging world order in the backdrop of ongoing struggles and power rebalancing. In this regard, the manuscript addresses some of the main features of the new international power configurations system, apparent drifts, and new threats in international relations

"Han quedado tan amedrentados…": The Indian rebellion of 1792-93 in the plains of Valdivia and the treatment of non-combatant during the Spanish repression

En 1792, confusos incidentes vinculados con la actuación de los misioneros franciscanos entre los indios huilliche de los llanos de Valdivia (Chile), derivaron en una venganza y rebelión nativa. Los hechos violentos que se sucedieron, incluyendo la muerte de un fraile, En 1792, confusos incidentes vinculados con la actuación de los misioneros franciscanos entre los indios huilliche de los llanos de Valdivia (Chile), derivaron en una venganza y rebelión nativa. Los hechos violentos que se sucedieron, incluyendo la muerte de un fraile, dieron inicio a una rigurosa represión por parte del ejército español cuyo seguimiento, facilitado por las abundantes fuentes que lo documentan, abre el acceso a un escrutinio de las formas de castigar a los insumisos. La actuación del cuerpo armado y de su comandante, así como las instrucciones que recibió de sus superiores, permiten examinar las prácticas militares hispano-criollas a la luz tanto de las normas entonces vigentes acerca de la manera aceptable de hacer la guerra, como de su accionar bélico real sobre el campo, respaldado por una larga tradición en las fronteras de la monarquía hispánica.In 1792, confuse incidents linked with the performance of Franciscan missionaries among the huilliche Indians in the plains near Valdivia (Chile), led to native revenge and rebellion. The violent facts which came along, including the death of a Friar, triggered a rigorous repression by the Spanish army, the following of which (facilitated by the abundant sources available) opens access to a scrutiny on the ways of punishing the resisting. The performance of the armed corps and its commander, as well as the instructions he received from his superiors, allow examination of Spanish military practices under de light of the norms then in force regarding not only the acceptable way of making war, but also their actual warfare action on the field, backed by a long tradition in the frontiers of the Hispanic monarchy.Fil: Alioto, Sebastián Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Bahía Blanca; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Humanidades; ArgentinaFil: Jiménez, Juan Francisco. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Humanidades; Argentin