Datibo komunztadura beti zaindu, inoiz zaindu ez eta batzuetan baino zaintzen ez denean. Hiru ahoko aldagaia, datu iturri bi, eta erreminta bat : Corsintax

In this paper, we analyze dative agreement drop, a phenomenon attested in North-Eastern varieties of Basque. More precisely, we distinguish three main settings of this syntactic variable with respect to agreement obligatoriness. In the first setting, dative agreement is optional. This setting is found with (i.) quirky dative objects in absolutive/dative alternating verbs, (ii) dative-postpositions in postposition/dative alternating verbs, and (iii) aspectual datives. In the second setting, dative agreement is obligatory rather than optional, and here we distinguish (iv.) dative-experiencers, (v.) dative-possessors in inalienable possession and ethical datives, and (vi.) causees. The third and last setting corresponds to datives which may never agree, that is, adjunct type datives. We’ll obtain the main data from the historical dictionary Mitxelena and Sarasola´s (1989-2005) Orotariko Euskal Hiztegia (OEH) and the modern literature corpus Ereduzko Prosa Gaur (EPG). We’ll also present a corpus search tool which retrieves syntactic information from this corpus : Corsintax.Lan honetan, datibo komunztaduraren galera aztertuko dugu, euskararen ipar-ekialdeko hizkeretako fenomenoa. Hala, aldagai sintaktiko honen hiru burutzapen bereiziko ditugu. Hautazko datibo komunztadura erakusten duten datiboak aztertuko ditugu lehenik : (i.) datibo-osagarri bitxiak absolutibo/datibo alternantziadun aditzetan, (ii.) datibo-postposizioak datibo/postposizio alternantziadun aditzetan, eta (iii.) aspektu datiboak. Bigarrenik, ezinbesteko komunztadura duten datiboak, alegia, (iv.) datibo esperimentatzaileak (v.) jabetza besterenezineko datiboak, datibo etiko eta interes datiboak, eta (vi.) egitura arazleetako araziak. Hirugarren eta azkenik, ezinezko komunztadura duten datiboak deskribatuko ditugu, hau da, (vii.) datibo-adjunktuak. Deskribapenerako batetik, Mitxelena eta Sarasolaren (1989-2005) Orotariko Euskal Hiztegiaz (OEH) baliatuko gara, eta bestetik, Ereduzko Prosa Gaur (EPG) corpusaz. Corpus honetatik informazio sintaktikoa erauzteko, Corsintax arakatzaile sintaktikoa ere plazaratuko dugu

-le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkiaz

Authors / Autoreak: Beatriz Fernández (UPV/EHU), Beñat Oihartzabal (IKER), Josu Landa (Ametzagaiña) eta Ibon Sarasola (UPV/EHU)International audienceThis paper analizes the nature of the Basque inflectional suffix -le/-tzaile, comparing it with the derivational suffix of the same form. As we will see, the inflectional suffix can select for a wide range of constituents, such as dative phrases, post positional phrases, adverbs and even finite clauses. Thus, the complement of the inflectional suffix -le/-tzaile can be claimed to be a vP or even a higher phrase such as I(nflection)P. As happens in participal predication in Basque (Ortiz de Urbina & Uribeetxebarria 1991), predication is mediated by empty operators in inflectional -le/-tzaile structures, giving rise to similarities with relative clauses.Lan honetan -le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkia aztertuko dugu, eratorpenezko -le/-tzaile atzizkiarekin konparatuz. -le/-tzaile eratorpenezko atzizkiaz sortutako hitzek barne argumentua jaso dezakete gehienez ere; -le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkiak, aldiz, askotariko osagaiak bildu ditzakete: datibo sintagmak, postposizio sintagmak, adberbio sintagmak eta baita mendeko perpausak ere. Honen ondorioz, badirudi inflexiozko atzizkiaren osagarria aS (aditz txikiaren sintagma) dela edo are goragoko beste islapen bat (beharbada Inflexio sintagma). Partizipio predikatuko egituretan bezalaxe, litekeena da -le/-tzaile egituretan ere operatzaile isilen bitartez sortzea predikazioa. Azterbide honek, halaber, erlatibo generikoen eta gure egituraren arteko antzekotasunak azaltzen ditu

-le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkiaz

Authors / Autoreak: Beatriz Fernández (UPV/EHU), Beñat Oihartzabal (IKER), Josu Landa (Ametzagaiña) eta Ibon Sarasola (UPV/EHU)International audienceThis paper analizes the nature of the Basque inflectional suffix -le/-tzaile, comparing it with the derivational suffix of the same form. As we will see, the inflectional suffix can select for a wide range of constituents, such as dative phrases, post positional phrases, adverbs and even finite clauses. Thus, the complement of the inflectional suffix -le/-tzaile can be claimed to be a vP or even a higher phrase such as I(nflection)P. As happens in participal predication in Basque (Ortiz de Urbina & Uribeetxebarria 1991), predication is mediated by empty operators in inflectional -le/-tzaile structures, giving rise to similarities with relative clauses.Lan honetan -le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkia aztertuko dugu, eratorpenezko -le/-tzaile atzizkiarekin konparatuz. -le/-tzaile eratorpenezko atzizkiaz sortutako hitzek barne argumentua jaso dezakete gehienez ere; -le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkiak, aldiz, askotariko osagaiak bildu ditzakete: datibo sintagmak, postposizio sintagmak, adberbio sintagmak eta baita mendeko perpausak ere. Honen ondorioz, badirudi inflexiozko atzizkiaren osagarria aS (aditz txikiaren sintagma) dela edo are goragoko beste islapen bat (beharbada Inflexio sintagma). Partizipio predikatuko egituretan bezalaxe, litekeena da -le/-tzaile egituretan ere operatzaile isilen bitartez sortzea predikazioa. Azterbide honek, halaber, erlatibo generikoen eta gure egituraren arteko antzekotasunak azaltzen ditu

Komunztadurarik gabeko datiboen gakoez

This paper analyzes some of the factors accounting for dative agreement drop in 19th and 20th century Lapurdian writers. Following Fernández and Landa (2009), a distinction is made between cases where dative agreement is apparently optional and cases where it is either obligatory or impossible. After describing obligatory agreement with experiencer and possessive/interest datives, section 3 addresses the situation found in complex structures. 3.1 examines dative causees, whose complex syntactic and thematic properties account for some of the observed instanced of agreement drop. On the other hand, in 3.2 we concentrate on datives thematically associated with the predicate in an intransitive copulative structure. Their failure to agree can result from the same agreement dropping factors examined before, but also from the absence of theta-transfer to the light predicate. In section 3.3 we turn to the transitive light predicate egin

Komunztadurarik gabeko datiboen gakoez

This paper analyzes some of the factors accounting for dative agreement drop in 19th and 20th century Lapurdian writers. Following Fernández and Landa (2009), a distinction is made between cases where dative agreement is apparently optional and cases where it is either obligatory or impossible. After describing obligatory agreement with experiencer and possessive/interest datives, section 3 addresses the situation found in complex structures. 3.1 examines dative causees, whose complex syntactic and thematic properties account for some of the observed instanced of agreement drop. On the other hand, in 3.2 we concentrate on datives thematically associated with the predicate in an intransitive copulative structure. Their failure to agree can result from the same agreement dropping factors examined before, but also from the absence of theta-transfer to the light predicate. In section 3.3 we turn to the transitive light predicate egin

=-le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkiaz

Lan honetan -le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkia aztertuko dugu, eratorpenezko -le/-tzaile atzizkiarekin konparatuz. -le/-tzaile eratorpenezko atzizkiaz sortutako hitzek barne argumentua jaso dezakete gehienez ere; -le/-tzaile inflexiozko atzizkiak, aldiz, askotariko osagaiak bildu ditzakete: datibo sintagmak, postposizio sintagmak, adberbio sintagmak eta baita mendeko perpausak ere. Honen ondorioz, badirudi inflexiozko atzizkiaren osagarria aS (aditz txikiaren sintagma) dela edo are goragoko beste islapen bat (beharbada Inflexio sintagma). Partizipio predikatuko egituretan bezalaxe, litekeena da -le/-tzaile egituretan ere operatzaile isilen bitartez sortzea predikazioa. Azterbide honek, halaber, erlatibo generikoen eta gure egituraren arteko antzekotasunak azaltzen ditu

Ascética y estética

Este texto versa sobre los nexos entre dos modos de relación del hombre con el mundo: el artístico y el ascético. Tras recordar las etimologías de «estética» y «ascética», en él se examinan los puntos de rechazo y de complementariedad entre el anhelo de absoluto (ascesis) y las forma de la aisthesis. A partir de las actitudes mostradas ante éstas por grandes místicos como Patanjali, Kempis, Ignacio de Loyola, Eckhart...y del peso de lo ascético en Herádito, Platón, Aristóteles, Schopenhauer, entre otros, se aborda el universo simbólico de la «era de la reproductividad técnica» y su deriva en una estética no representativa ni kalocéntrica. Es posible una ascesis que no repudie la vivencia sensual y artística. Tal vez sea ésta la opción ante la paradoja de una libertad que facilita las cosas a su negación: la lógica mercantil que rige a la industria cultural a lomos de la vulgaridad y el facilismo.AbstractThis paper deals with the relationships between two modes of human interaction with the world: the artistic and the ascetic. Upon spelling out the etimologies of both of these terms, the ways in which these modes diverge and those in which they complement each other are examined. The simbolic universe of the «age of reprocductivity» is approached after the views of such mystics as Patanjali, Kempis, Ignacio de Loyola and Eckhart and from the ascetic underpinnings in the philosophies of Heraclitus, Plato, Aristotle and Schopenhauer.&nbsp

La deriva sapiencial socrática: ironía, katalēpsis, epochē

//// Abstract: The bequest of Socrates was received in several ways. This article revises the “sapiential derivation” of Socraticism, according to the Cynic, Stoic and Skeptic schools. All these philosophical trends deepen the ethical turn that Socrates is thought to have given philosophy. The notions of irony, katalepsis and epoche, which derive from Socratic docta ignorantia, are examined closely