Town–village relationships in charter-based settlement processes in Lesser Poland (between the second half of the thirteenth century and the fourteenth century): architecture and urban planning

W studiach nad średniowiecznymi lokacyjnymi układami urbanistycznymi i ruralistycznymi w Małopolsce ważne są relacje między miastem a wsią, zwłaszcza: adaptowanie przez miasto fragmentu wsi z kościołem (il. 1); „wchłonięcie” wsi przez miasto (il. 2, 3); wydzielenie miasta ze starszej wsi (i. 4); osadzenie miasta jako elementu stycznego do wsi (il. 5) lub na granicy dwóch wsi (il. 6); zakładanie wsi w obrębie uposażenia miejskiego (il. 7, 8); miasto jako centrum dóbr (il. 9). Ich znaczenie dla analizy piękna krajobrazu kulturowego jest nie do przecenienia.In studying charter urban and rural layouts, one should account for town–village relations: the adaptation of a fragment of a rural area with a church by the town (fi g. 1); the ‘absorption’ of a village by a town (fi g. 2,3); the isolation of a town from an older village (fi g. 4); placing a town as an element in contact with a village (fi g. 5) or at the border between two villages (fi g. 6); founding villages within a town’s estate (fi g. 7, 8); the town as the centre of an estate (fi g. 9). Assets isolated this way are signifi cant in analyzing the beauty of cultural landscapes

SPOŁECZNY KOMITET ODNOWY ZABYTKÓW KRAKOWA: GENEZA, DOŚWIADCZENIA, PROGRAM

The Committee (acronym: SKOZK) was established in 1978, following listing Krakow as a world heritage site. It fulfilled expectations from the past, when heritage assets were damaged by industrial pollution and state ideology curtailed financing of works on sacred and private grounds.An undoubted strength of the early time was the recognition of Krakow heritage protection as a matter of state importance, while the domination of political circumstances remained a weakness.The political transformation of 1989/90 changed the environment: SKOZK was now dominated by heritage preservation milieus, and members were appointed by the President of the Republic of Poland, and his Chancellery provided a major part of financial means. As grants generally cover up to 50% of the cost, the fund has a stimulating role as beneficiaries need to find sources for matching funds. Since 1990, the Committee’s activity has concentrated on the most valuable complexes: Wawel, the historical centre of the city, former town of Kazimierz with Jewish quarter, and the most treasurable enclaves situated on the outskirts of the city.Achievements of SKOZK include development of a model for cooperation between private (NGO) and public (central and territorial authorities) sectors, definition of strategic goals, and a priority of the ensuing tasks.The Committee (acronym: SKOZK) was established in 1978, following listing Krakow as a world heritage site. It fulfilled expectations from the past, when heritage assets were damaged by industrial pollution and state ideology curtailed financing of works on sacred and private grounds.An undoubted strength of the early time was the recognition of Krakow heritage protection as a matter of state importance, while the domination of political circumstances remained a weakness.The political transformation of 1989/90 changed the environment: SKOZK was now dominated by heritage preservation milieus, and members were appointed by the President of the Republic of Poland, and his Chancellery provided a major part of financial means. As grants generally cover up to 50% of the cost, the fund has a stimulating role as beneficiaries need to find sources for matching funds. Since 1990, the Committee’s activity has concentrated on the most valuable complexes: Wawel, the historical centre of the city, former town of Kazimierz with Jewish quarter, and the most treasurable enclaves situated on the outskirts of the city.Achievements of SKOZK include development of a model for cooperation between private (NGO) and public (central and territorial authorities) sectors, definition of strategic goals, and a priority of the ensuing tasks

Analiza modularna układu urbanistycznego jako klucz do odczytania programu miasta lokacyjnego (na przykładzie Krakowa z roku 1257)

Analiza modularna układu lokacyjnego winna być oparta na wszechstronnych badaniach źródeł: pisanych, geologicznych, archeologicznych, architektonicznych, ikonograficznych i planistycznych. Pozwala, w powiązaniu z tymi źródłami, na odtworzenie teoretycznego, idealnego planu i programu lokacyjnego miasta oraz faktycznej realizacji zamierzeń i wtórnych przekształceń. Zarówno doskonałość lokacyjnego założenia urbanistycznego z 1257 roku, jak i bogactwo wszelkich typów źródeł, pozwalają na traktowanie układu przestrzennego Krakowa jako istotnego wzoru dla tego rodzaju analiz.

Układy przestrzenne miast prywatnych w Małopolsce. Wybrane przykłady

Problematykę omówiono na podstawie wybranych miast prywatnych: Tarnowa, Bobowej, Gorlic, Szymbarku, Chrzanowa, Książa Wielkiego, Dukli. Lokowane w XIV w., są charakterystycznymi dla ówczesnej fazy urbanizacji ośrodkami średniej lub niewielkiej skali. Istotne elementy przeprowadzonych analiz to: związek miasta z lokacyjnymi wsiami (w ramach jednolicie zagospodarowywanego kompleksu osadniczego), relacje między układem urbanistycznym a siedzibą właściciela, wypełnianie układu urbanistycznego zabudową, w tym fundacjami właściciela, akcentującymi pozycję rodu

Heterogeniczność przestrzeni miast salinarnych Bochni i Wieliczki w dobie przedprzemysłowej

In Bochnia and Wieliczka, mining influenced the shape and organization of urban space as well as the formation of social groups. The incorporation of both towns under German law was a consequence of the discovery and commencement of the exploitation of rock salt. Urbanistic analysis of the plan of Bochnia (1253) allows for two interpretative possibilities (figs. 1, 2, 5, 6), but the second of them – with the square oriented transverse to the axis of the system, concentrating religious functions and public utility facilities – would be a repetition of layout of the Legnica that was incorporated a little earlier, from where the first locator came. Wieliczka incorporated later (1290) operates a finer plan, with a rectangular market square in the centre, concentrating on public functions. The extreme part of the arrangement was occupied by spaces of power (salt mine castle) and sacrum (church and cemetery) (figs. 3, 4, 7, 8). In Bochnia, we can only guess about the early origins of the salt mine castle outside of the urban system. The town along with the two mayor’s villages was established within an extremely large mayor’s salary, defined as 1/5 of the surface 260 Franconian łan (fig. 9); the remaining 4/5’s was to concentrate on rural settlement in the future. Within the mayor’s village – Podedworze – there probably was an earlier developed fortified mayor’s seat, apparently evident on archive plans (fig. 10). Much smaller was the agricultural salary of Wieliczka. Apart from four mayor’s łan, it is possible to determine six urban ones (fig. 11); as a result in the 14th and the 15th century, the town gradually expanded. The significant urban transformations of Bochnia, with the identification of the new urban system, in accordance with Greater Poland’s standards, should be placed in Casimir the Great’s era (fig. 12). The separation of the western part of the incorporation system by a new defensive line left the suburb outside of it, within which Casimir the Great founded the miners’ hospital with a church (1357). An analogous royal foundation in Wieliczka (1363) was also situated in a suburb (fig. 13). An important element for the country’s economy was royal investment, such as the construction of the canal linking Krakow and Bochnia as described by Jan Długosz, and should be probably understood as the regulation of the Vistula River’s tributary (Babica) in order to transport Bochnia salt to Vistula’s salt port – Uście Solne (incorporation in 1360) (fig. 14 ). The development of both towns in the late Middle Ages and in the early Post-Medieval period (the 15th – the beginning of the 17th century), which is a consequence of the extension of the salt mines, resulted in the shaping of suburbs and new settlements. Distinct analogies can be seen between the spatial arrangement of Oracka Street in Bochnia (fig. 15) and located on the east side of Wieliczka Mierżączka settlement (fig. 16). The latter in 1628 was granted town rights as a private town associated with the Lubomirski family estates. Probably due to their action at the border of Wieliczka, in Siercza, a Jewish ’town’ developed (fig. 18). Its counterpart in the area of Bochnia – after the removal of the Jewish district in the 15th century – was the Jewish part of Nowy Wiśnicz. The development of sacred space at the cost of residential ones had early beginnings in Bochnia, where already in 1375 at a little earlier determined market square was situated the Dominican complex. From the 17th century, it gave the cult of the image of Our Lady Bocheńska great prominence. In 1623, in the place of the miners’ hospital the Bernardines complex was built (fig. 17). In the same year, in a suburb of Wieliczka, the Franciscans monastery was founded and the Jesuits made an attempt to settle there too. The Austrian authorities imposed significant changes in the management of urban space after the first partition of Poland. These included the construction of a new road network (fig. 19), architectural transformation that related, amongst others, to eliminating the risk of fires. They instigated a new organization of the salt mines’ authorities, the elimination of the majority of monastery complexes with the transformation of buildings for secular purposes, the development of rural colonization within salt mine estates confiscated by the new authorities (figs. 10, 20). An important element defining the boundaries of Wieliczka was the Austrian field fortress from 1778–1779 (fig. 3).Zróżnicowanie przestrzeni obu miast salinarnych miało wielorakie uwarunkowania. Zasadnicze funkcje – między innymi mieszkalne, komunikacyjne, handlowe, sakralne, obronne i tak istotne tutaj, związane z eksploatacją soli – wpisano w XIII-wieczne plany lokacyjne (w Bochni skorygowany w XIV wieku). Późniejsze modyfikacje wiązały się z rozwojem miast i żupy w późnym średniowieczu oraz na progu nowożytności. Kryzys zarysowujący się od XVII wieku owocował poszerzeniem przestrzeni sacrum kosztem własności miejskich, w Wieliczce także powstawaniem osad konkurencyjnych wobec miasta. Istotne zmiany w gospodarowaniu przestrzenią narzucił austriacki zaborca po 1772 roku, w okresie stanowiącym wstęp do epoki industrialnej

Budowa i przebudowa ratusza w miastach Królestwa Polskiego do końca XVIII wieku

The construction and reconstruction of town halls in the cities of the Kingdom of Poland until the end of the 18th century(Summary) The article, which also takes into account the issues relating to the medieval town halls in Silesia, Western Pomerania and the Teutonic State, is an attempt at synthesizing the existing research. The following aspects have been analysed: the location of the town hall within the urban complex and the transformation of the forms and symbols of both its architecture and design. Town halls came into existence as a consequence of – although not necessarily immediately – founding towns based on German Law and the establishment of municipal authorities. The relationship between the town halls and urban planning varied. The town hall could be located along the front of the main market square (Wieliczka in Małopolska) or a street – a place functioning as the market square (evolution of the urban context in the town hall in Gdańsk), sometimes (due to the location of the house of the municipal councillor?) outside the market place (originally in Nowy Sącz). Its location along the front of the market square in Early Modern towns could have both an aesthetic and symbolic aspect (Zamość). The evolution of the central-market square block, with the town hall and stalls was very characteristic of medieval towns and infl uenced the Małopolska region (Kraków) and Wielkopolska region (Poznań) from Silesia (Wrocław, Świdnica, Legnica). In Early Modern private towns, from the Renaissance era (Głowów) to the late Baroque (Siedlce), the town hall was often situated in a place which emphasized the axes of the urban layout. The tower was usually an important element in the architecture of the oldest town hall buildings (13th/14th century). It emphasized the town’s autonomy and, similarly to the adjacent hall, was derived from the architecture of feudal castles (Wrocław, Kraków). The tower also emerged as the oldest element of the central-market square block in many Silesian towns, and was modelled on the beffrois (Bruges). The form of a tower came to the Małopolska region in the 14th century (the oldest town hall in Sandomierz) and Ruthenia (Krosno, Kamieniec Podolski). Two-naved halls which alluded to the palatium (Poznań), were particularly frequent in Western Pomerania (Stargard, Pasłęk, Kamień Pomorski, Chojnice, Szczecin). By contrast to the simple, purely functional architectural forms of the oldest town halls, in the lands of the Teutonic knights fi ne details were present as early as in the early 14th century (Chełmno). The richness of the forms and designs of the Pomeranian town halls, with Toruń at the forefront (which Jan Długosz noticed) had an impact on the late Gothic town halls in the Małopolska region (reconstruction of the Kraków town hall, 1454). The transfer of the offi cial functions from the ground floor of the town hall to the Artus Court could also relate to Kraków. Bohemian models played a large role in the shaping of representative architecture, symbolism and the iconographic programme of the late Gothic town halls in Silesia (15th/16th century) – e.g. the relationship between the Ladislaus Room in Hradčany and the Lwówek town hall. In Early Modern times the “bipolarity” of architectural designs in Polish lands, which were inspired by ideas coming both from Italy and the Netherlands is most noticeable on examples in the Małopolska region, notably Kraków (attics surmounting the buildings) and Pomerania, notably Gdańsk, where the designs by masters from the Netherlands were subordinated to erudite, complicated political “treaties”. In the Wielkopolska region the Mannerist style inspired by Northern Italian (Serlian) designs was at the forefront as can be seen in the reconstruction of Poznań’s town hall. In the era of urban decline in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (2nd half of the 17th/18th century) anachronistic, medieval designs continued to be used (Stary Sącz); private towns were an exception (e.g. Leszno and Buchacz owned by the Leszczyński family), which were able to afford magnificent constructions. The architecture and design of town halls refl ect the ambitions as well as the condition of the bourgeoisie and therefore the phenomena which took various forms in the different historical periods and regions. Future research should put special emphasis on tracing the “migration” of designs and ideas from the magnifi cent urban centres of the West through the main Polish cities to provincial towns.The construction and reconstruction of town halls in the cities of the Kingdom of Poland until the end of the 18th century(Summary) The article, which also takes into account the issues relating to the medieval town halls in Silesia, Western Pomerania and the Teutonic State, is an attempt at synthesizing the existing research. The following aspects have been analysed: the location of the town hall within the urban complex and the transformation of the forms and symbols of both its architecture and design. Town halls came into existence as a consequence of – although not necessarily immediately – founding towns based on German Law and the establishment of municipal authorities. The relationship between the town halls and urban planning varied. The town hall could be located along the front of the main market square (Wieliczka in Małopolska) or a street – a place functioning as the market square (evolution of the urban context in the town hall in Gdańsk), sometimes (due to the location of the house of the municipal councillor?) outside the market place (originally in Nowy Sącz). Its location along the front of the market square in Early Modern towns could have both an aesthetic and symbolic aspect (Zamość). The evolution of the central-market square block, with the town hall and stalls was very characteristic of medieval towns and infl uenced the Małopolska region (Kraków) and Wielkopolska region (Poznań) from Silesia (Wrocław, Świdnica, Legnica). In Early Modern private towns, from the Renaissance era (Głowów) to the late Baroque (Siedlce), the town hall was often situated in a place which emphasized the axes of the urban layout. The tower was usually an important element in the architecture of the oldest town hall buildings (13th/14th century). It emphasized the town’s autonomy and, similarly to the adjacent hall, was derived from the architecture of feudal castles (Wrocław, Kraków). The tower also emerged as the oldest element of the central-market square block in many Silesian towns, and was modelled on the beffrois (Bruges). The form of a tower came to the Małopolska region in the 14th century (the oldest town hall in Sandomierz) and Ruthenia (Krosno, Kamieniec Podolski). Two-naved halls which alluded to the palatium (Poznań), were particularly frequent in Western Pomerania (Stargard, Pasłęk, Kamień Pomorski, Chojnice, Szczecin). By contrast to the simple, purely functional architectural forms of the oldest town halls, in the lands of the Teutonic knights fi ne details were present as early as in the early 14th century (Chełmno). The richness of the forms and designs of the Pomeranian town halls, with Toruń at the forefront (which Jan Długosz noticed) had an impact on the late Gothic town halls in the Małopolska region (reconstruction of the Kraków town hall, 1454). The transfer of the offi cial functions from the ground floor of the town hall to the Artus Court could also relate to Kraków. Bohemian models played a large role in the shaping of representative architecture, symbolism and the iconographic programme of the late Gothic town halls in Silesia (15th/16th century) – e.g. the relationship between the Ladislaus Room in Hradčany and the Lwówek town hall. In Early Modern times the “bipolarity” of architectural designs in Polish lands, which were inspired by ideas coming both from Italy and the Netherlands is most noticeable on examples in the Małopolska region, notably Kraków (attics surmounting the buildings) and Pomerania, notably Gdańsk, where the designs by masters from the Netherlands were subordinated to erudite, complicated political “treaties”. In the Wielkopolska region the Mannerist style inspired by Northern Italian (Serlian) designs was at the forefront as can be seen in the reconstruction of Poznań’s town hall. In the era of urban decline in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (2nd half of the 17th/18th century) anachronistic, medieval designs continued to be used (Stary Sącz); private towns were an exception (e.g. Leszno and Buchacz owned by the Leszczyński family), which were able to afford magnificent constructions. The architecture and design of town halls refl ect the ambitions as well as the condition of the bourgeoisie and therefore the phenomena which took various forms in the different historical periods and regions. Future research should put special emphasis on tracing the “migration” of designs and ideas from the magnifi cent urban centres of the West through the main Polish cities to provincial towns

Architektura Miasto Piękno tom 1

Słowo wstępne: "Politechnika Krakowska jest uczelnią, która charakteryzuje się mocną pozycją w środowisku akademickim Polski i świata. Z nowoczesną edukacją odpowiadającą potrzebom gospodarki łączy się to, że jej pracownicy w wielu dyscyplinach naukowych są wybitnymi ekspertami i specjalistami oraz uczestniczą w pracach prestiżowych międzynarodowych zespołów badawczych. Ich wiedza i kompetencje wpływają na pozycję uczelni w międzynarodowym środowisku naukowym. W Politechnice Krakowskiej oraz w środowisku akademickim szczególną pozycję zajmuje Wydział Architektury. Jego historię od 1945 roku, a więc od czasu utworzenia uczelni, tworzą wybitni naukowcy i twórcy. Uczestniczą oni aktywnie w rozwoju dyscypliny architektura i urbanistyka, a jednocześnie są zarówno uznanymi teoretykami, jak i twórcami cenionych dzieł w zakresie architektury, urbanistyki oraz założeń krajobrazowych. Do grona tych osób niewątpliwie należał prof. Wojciech Kosiński. Z Wydziałem Architektury był związany prawie 60 lat. Tu ukończył studia, w 1967 roku pod promotorstwem prof. Włodzimierza Gruszczyńskiego obronił dyplom i rozpoczął pracę. Cała Jego kariera naukowa związana była z Wydziałem Architektury – tu w 1976 roku uzyskał stopień doktora (promotor – prof. Witold Cęckiewicz), w roku 2001 doktora habilitowanego, a w 2012 roku tytuł naukowy profesora. Był znakomitą postacią, dydaktykiem lubianym przez studentów i uznanym w kraju i za granicą, autorem wielu publikacji naukowych. Był autorem lub współautorem licznych realizacji architektonicznych, laureatem wielu prestiżowych konkursów architektonicznych, znakomitym rysownikiem."(...

Heterogeniczność przestrzeni miast salinarnych Bochni i Wieliczki w dobie przedprzemysłowej

THE HETEROGENEITY OF URBAN SPACE IN THE SALT-MINING TOWNS OF BOCHNIA AND WIELICZKA IN THE PRE-INDUSTRIAL ERA The layout and division of urban space in Bochnia and Wieliczka were greatly influenced by salt mining. Town-planning analyses indicate that at its foundation (1253) Bochnia had a strip layout with the main square at a right angle to the axis. Wieliczka, which received its charter in 1290, has a more regular layout, with a square market serving public functions; the edge parts were the space of the authority (the salt-mine castle) and the sacrum (the church and the cemetery). Bochnia was significantly transformed and received a new layout representing the models characteristic of Lesser Poland during the reign of Casimir the Great. The western part of the chartered town was cut off by new defence line from a suburb, in which the King founded a hospital for miners and a church (1357). An analogical foundation in Wieliczka (1363) was also situated in a suburb. The development of the salt mines in the late mediaeval and early modern period (from the 15th to the early 17th c.), stimulated the development of new suburbs and settlements in both towns. There are clear analogies between the layout of Oracka Street in Bochnia and the Mierżączka settlement in Wieliczka; the latter was granted its own municipal charter in 1628 as a private town in the estate of the Lubomirski family. It was probably due to this magnate family that a Jewish „town” developed at the border of Wieliczka, in Siercza. Its analogue in Bochnia (after its Jewish quarter was liquidated in the 15th c.) was the Jewish part of Nowy Wiśnicz. The expansion of sacred space at the expense of housing space started quite early in Bochnia, with the erection of a Dominican complex near the market square in 1375. In 1623 the miner hospital was replaced with an Observant friary. In the same year a Reformati friary was founded in a suburb of Wieliczka; also the Jesuits tried to get settled there. Vital changes in urban space were enforced by the Austrian Empire after the first partition of Poland, including the establishment of a new road network, changes in architecture connected with fire safety and a new structure of salt mine management, the liquidation of many religious houses and reallo-cating their plots to lay functions, and the settlement of the salt mine estates confiscated by the new government. An important element that delimited the borders of Wieliczka was the Austrian field fortress from 1778–1779

Sacrum w układach przestrzennych lokacyjnych miast Małopolski w XIII–XV wieku

The sacred space may be analysed in terms of function (parish, monastic and ‘other’ compounds) and origins (pre-incorporation compounds, from compounds from the incorporation and post-incorporation period). The Krakow from the incorporation period of 1257 together with the lower outer settlement – Okół and the suburbs; the sacrum related to the oldest Jewish community occupies a separate space. The sacrum made a considerable contribution to the urban landscape of one of the larger Krakow satellites, i.e. Kazimierz; it was rather modestly demonstrated in Kleparz. Significant differentiation can be observed in the pre-incorporation, during-incorporation period and post-incorporation Sandomierz. Mining towns such as Bochnia, Wieliczka and Olkusz were rather unique. The peregrination of Sącz is another, separate subject: it concerns the pre-incorporation Sącz associated with what later became Podgrodzie, St Kinga’s Sącz (Stary Sącz) and Nowy Sącz. In most small Lesser Poland towns, the sacrum was limited to a parish church compound (founded together with incorporation, sometimes preceding – less often following – incorporation), occasionally to a medicant monastic compound and a hospital (with a chapel).Przestrzeń sakralną można rozpatrywać pod kątem funkcji (zespoły parafialne, klasztorne i „inne”) oraz genezy (zespoły przedlokacyjne, z doby lokacji i polokacyjne). Wielkie zróżnicowanie tej przestrzeni prezentuje Kraków doby lokacji z 1257 roku wraz z włączonym doń podgrodziem – Okołem i przedmieściami; odrębne miejsce zajmuje sacrum związane z najstarszą krakowską gminą żydowską. Znaczącą rolę odgrywało sacrum w układzie urbanistycznym większego krakowskiego satelity – Kazimierza, skromniej przedstawiało się na Kleparzu. Znaczne zróżnicowanie obserwujemy w przedlokacyjnym, lokacyjnym i polokacyjnym Sandomierzu. Pewną specyfiką wyróżniały się miasta górnicze: Bochnia, Wieliczka i Olkusz. Odrębne zagadnienie wiąże się z „peregrynacją” Sącza: przedlokacyjnym Sączem wiązanym z późniejszym Pogrodziem, Sączem św. Kingi (Starym) i Nowym Sączem. W większości niewielkich miast małopolskich sacrum ograniczone było do zespołu kościoła parafialnego (fundowanego wraz z lokacją, niekiedy ją poprzedzającego, rzadziej pojawiającego się po lokacji), niekiedy też do mendykanckiego zespołu klasztornego i szpitala (z kaplicą)

Urban development of Małopolska in the late 13th and early 14th centuries under the reign of Leszek the Black, Przemysł II and Wenceslaus II of Bohemia: compositions and functions of charter designs

Artykuł niniejszy jest kontynuacją wcześniejszej publikacji autora, poświęconej urbanizacji Małopolski pod rządami Bolesława Wstydliwego (Krasnowolski, 2004–2005, s. 36–37, 38–39). Zarazem jest to rozwinięcie tematu obszernej pracy autora sprzed kilkunastu lat (Krasnowolski, 2004) . Omawiany okres zamyka się zasadniczo w ćwierćwieczu, w latach 1279–1306. Pierwsza z tych dat to początek panowania Leszka Czarnego jako następcy Bolesława Wstydliwego, druga - zajęcie Krakowa przez Władysława Łokietka, konkurującego skutecznie z władcami Czech, wykorzystującego śmierć Wacława III (Wyrozumski, 1992, s. 200–201). Ówczesną urbanizację uznać można za kontynuowanie polityki miejskiej Bolesława Wstydliwego, przy nieco mniejszej dynamice działań, co wynikało z niestabilności politycznej.The article follows on an earlier publication by the author devoted to the urban development of Małopolska under Boleslaus the Modest (Krasnowolski, 2004–2005, pp. 36–37, 38–39). At the same time, it expands the subject discussed by the author in another work several years ago (Krasnowolski, 2004). The period in question was actually a quarter of a century from 1279 to 1306. The first of these dates marks the start of the reign of Leszek the Black (Leszek Czarny), successor to Boleslaus the Modest (Bolesław Wstydliwy), and the latter - capture of Kraków by Ladislaus the Elbow–High (Władysława Łokietka), efficiently competing with the rulers of Bohemia and exploiting the death of Wenceslaus III of Bohemia (Wyrozumski, 1992, pp. 200–201). Urban development from the time can be considered continuation of the urban development policy of Boleslaus the Modest, yet at a lower dynamic, due to political instabilit