Heritage of priesthood service in Medieval Serbia

Rad se bavi pitanjem naslednosti kao osnovne odlike zatvorenog društvenog sloja. U periodu XIII-XIV veka parohijsko sveštenstvo u Srbiji postalo je brojan društveni sloj, da su, pored kanonskih, uvedena i druga ograničenja za buduće sveštenike. Nasleđivanje nije bilo bezuslovno, a poseban problem predstavlja pitanje popovskih sinova koji nisu postali popovi. Nasleđivanje službe u okviru crkvene jerahije, iako netipično u pravoslavnom svetu, postaje jedna od osnovnih odlika organizacije nižeg sveštenstva u srpskoj Crkvi srednjeg veka.Although it was widespread in medieval social and state organization, inheritance of a service, social status and position is not characteristic of Church jerarchical organization. By the Decree of Decan hrisovulja, the service of parochial clergymen-priests in the Serbian church became exclusively inheritable. Inheritance was not unconditional, and future priests had to meet basic canon conditions of literacy and conformity to moral codes. The issue of priests' sons who did not inherit their fathers' service was resolved by their restitution to lower social level, 'sokalnici' and 'merophe'

Endowments of medieval Serbian archbishops

Zadužbine poglavara Srpske crkve u srednjem veku uočene su kao posebna grupa manastira. Za razliku od vladarskih i vlasteoskih zadužbina, u njima je skoncentrisana vlast crkvenih lica i kao ktitora i kao duhovnih starešina. Pećki komleks hramova predstavljen je kao jedan od najreprezentativnijih ove grupe. Pored toga ukazao je i na ostale arhijerejske zadužbine. Pažnja je posvećena i ktitorskim pravima njihovih osnivača. Sagledan je položaj takvih hramova unutar Srpske crkve, kako u pogledu eparhijske organizacije, tako i u odnosu na ostale manastire. Određena je i politička i društvena uloga zadužbina srpskih arhiepiskopa u srednjem veku.According to the former knowledge and interpretation of the position of monasteries in Medieval Serbia, patriarchal monasteries are not recognized as a special category, that is, in the conditions of Serbian Middle Ages they could be referred to as archbishop's monasteries. A special category of monasteries, the founders of which were bishops, is characterized by the fact that the power of church authorities and spiritual elders was concentrated. Thus, a great independence from secular authorities was achieved. This group of temples is in opposition to regal monasteries in which the power of rulers and founders was concentrated, whereas the power of the bishops was diminished. The necessity of forming these monasteries was indicated at the very beginning of Serbian Church activity. What is more, Byzantine role models may be recognized. The second Serbian archbishop Arsenije founded a monastery on the estate of Žiča property in Hvosno. It is believed that the process of making the complex of Peć was started after Sava's return from a holy land and that he played a great part in it. What is also being considered is whether the temple of Peć was from the very beginning imagined as an archbishop mausoleum, or it had acquired that role under the circumstances during the 14th century. The position of the graves, painting programme and other known data, indicate that Arsenije, Nikodim and Danilo II were buried in their endowments, in the graves they had prepared by themselves for a lifetime, as the founders of those temples. It seems that the founders and archbishops had usual founders' rights, which apart from burial and painting was manifested in publishing a monastery tipicon. The greatest number of archbishop endowments is concentrated in the Peć complex. Apart from the existing tepmle of Holy Apostles, firstly the archbishop Nikodim had built a church dedicated to St. Maria Odigitria and St. Nicolas, and all the buildings were connected by nathex with the bell tower. What is also denoted is the tendency that in the time of sudden ascent of Peć complex, the idea of canonization of Serbian archbishops started to appear. The endowment of the head of the Serbian church was not only limited to Peć cathedral. It was known that Nikodim had built churches dedicated to St. Sava in the town of Lizica. Moreover, Danilo was noted as a founder of St. George's temple in Maglič, whereas to our first Serbian patriarch Joanikije, the patronage of temples with Biblical names to Karmil and Tavor is assigned. When we talk about the position of the monasteries it may be concluded that they didn't have the significance, respectability and status of Byzantine patriarchal monasteries, and in Serbia they remained in the shadow of richer and more luxurious rulers' endowments

Palace protopriest and exarch in medieval Serbian Church

Rad se bavi pitanjem sličnosti dostojanstva protopopa dvorskog i egzarha u srednjovekovnoj srpskoj Crkvi. Posebnu specifičnost predstavljaju protopopovi dvorski koji se u srpskim izvorima pominju jedino u Žičkoj povelji, na samom početku samostalnosti srpske Crkve. Na osnovu ovog izvora, moguće je rekonstruisati njihov položaj, status i dužnosti. Posebno treba istaći da su u srpskoj Crkvi, od samog osnivanja, postojale kao odvojene službe protopopa dvorskog i protopopa namesnika episkopa u većim mestima. U kasnijim izvorima pominju se egzarsi sa gotovo istim dužnostima koje su obavljali protopopovi dvorski. O načinu prikupljanja episkopskih prihoda ima malo podataka, pa je rasvetljavanje ovog dela posla protopopova i egzarha od značaja i za izučavanje crkvenih poreza. Dušanov zakonik reguliše položaj egzarha kao episkopskih izaslanika i propisuje da moraju biti kaluđeri.The title of palace protopriest within Serbian church has existed since it was first established. First protopriests were appointed by St Sava from among his disciples. The only data on the position and duties of palace protopriests can be found in the Žiča Charter. The basic duty of a palace protopriest is to collect Episcopal revenue and tolls such as 'vrhovina' and 'bir'. Since the rule of king Milutin and Episcopal reorganisation, changes were also made in the organisation of collecting church taxes. At the beginning of 14th Century, the number of laymen working in Serbian church expanded and consequently they were also appointed to the function of exarches. Since they were not able to perform and supervise the work of priests, their function was completely separated from the one of the protopriest. In this period, palace protopriest institution was converted into exarch. Dušan's Code states that monks should be appointed as exarches and gather church taxes. In this way, a continuity related to palace protopriests determined by Žiča Charter was established

The chemical characterization of peach kernels (Prunus persica L.)

Istraţivanjima u okviru ove doktorske disertacije na osnovu sadrţaja pojedinih fitohemikalija izvršena je hemijska karakterizacija semena 25 sorti/genotipova breskve razliĉitog genetiĉkog i geografskog porekla gajenih pod istim klimatskim uslovima na teritoriji Srbije u okviru kolekcije oglednog dobra „Radmilovac‖ Poljoprivrednog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu. U cilju utvrĊivanja sliĉnosti i razlika izmeĊu pojedinih genotipova breskve, kao i odreĊivanja potencijalnih biomarkera njihovog genetiĉkog i geografskog porekla, istraţivanja su obuhvatila analizu varijabilnosti standradnih sorti (poreklom iz SAD i Italije), perspektivnih hibrida (nastalih ukrštanjem standardnih sorti) i nekoliko genotipova vinogradarske breskve kao autohtone sorte iz Srbije. Osim podele po poreklu, ispitivani genotipovi breskve razlikovali su se i po vremenu sazrevanja ploda. Gasna hromatografija sa plameno-jonizacionim detektorom (Gas Chromatography with Flame Ionization Detector, GC-FID) korišćena je za odreĊivanje sastava masnih kiselina u uzorcima semena breskve. Bez obzira na razliĉitost izmeĊu genotipova, ulje semena breskve ima sliĉan sastav masnih kiselina koji se najvećim delom sastoji od nezasićenih masnih kiselina, oleinske i linolne kiseline. Razlika izmeĊu sorti/genotipova breskve se ogleda samo u razlici u procentualnim koncentracijama najzastupljenijih masnih kiselina. Ulje semena breskve ima nizak ukupni sadrţaj zasićenih masnih kiselina, manji od 15%, i to uglavnom sadrţi palmitinsku i stearinsku kiselinu. Fenolni profil semena breskve odreĊen je ultra-visokoefikasnom teĉnom hromatografijom spregnutom sa hibridnim masenim spektrometrom (Ultra High-Perfomance Liquid Chromatography coupled with a hybrid mass spectrometer - Linear Trap Quadrupole and OrbiTrap mass analyzer, UHPLC-LTQ OrbiTrap MS/MS). U uzorcima semena breskve detektovane su razliĉite klase fenolnih jedinjenja i nekoliko organskih kiselina sa manjim brojem C-atoma. Od fenolnih jedinjenja semena breskve u najvećoj koliĉini sadrţe katehin i šest fenolnih kiselina: protokatehuinsku, p-hidroksibenzoevu, p-hidroksifenilsirćetnu, hlorogenu, p-kumarinsku i ferulinsku kiselinu. Kvantifikacija saharida izvršena je upotrebom visoko-efikasne anjonske hromatografije sa elektrohemijskom detekcijom (High-Performance Anion Exchange Chromatography with Pulsed Amperometric Detection, HPAEC-PAD...The investigations in scope of this doctoral dissertation were based on the content of a several phytochemicals and it comprised chemical characterization of kernels of 25 peach cultivars/genotypes differing in genetic and geographical origin cultivated under the same climatic conditions in the territory of Serbia within a collection of the „Radmilovac‖ Experimental Station of the University of Belgrade - Faculty of Agriculture. In order to determine the similarities and differences between the individual cultivars/genotypes of the peach, as well as to identify potential biomarkers of their genetic and geographical origin, the research included an analysis of the variability of standard cultivars (originating in the USA and Italy), promising hybrids (created by standard cultivars cross-breeding) and several vineyard peach genotypes as autochthonous cultivars from Serbia. Except from this division, the examined genotypes of the peach differed according to the ripening time. Gas chromatography with flame ionization detector (GC-FID) was used to determine the composition of fatty acids in samples of the peach kernels. Regardless of the difference between genotypes, the peach kernel oil has the similar fatty acid composition, which the most consists of unsaturated fatty acids, oleic and linoleic acids. Variation between varieties/genotypes of peach is only seen in the difference in the percentage concentrations of the most abundant fatty acids. The kernel oil has a low total saturated fatty acid content less than 15%, which is mainly composed of palmitic and stearic acids. The phenolic profile of peach kernels was determined by ultra-high-perfomance liquid chromatography coupled with a hybrid mass spectrometer (UHPLC-LTQ OrbiTrap MS/MS). In samples of peach kernels, different classes of phenolic substances and several organic acids with small number of C atoms were detected. Among phenolic compounds, the most abundant in peach seeds were catechin and six phenolic acids: protocatechuic, p-hydroxybenzoic, p-hydroxyphenylacetic, chlorogenic, p-coumaric and ferulic acids. The quantification of saccharides was perfomed using high-performance anion exchange chromatography with pulsed amperometric detection (HPAEC-PAD)..

The obligations of Serbian church towards Kareia cell in the Middle Ages

Nekoliko srednjovekovnih srpskih povelja pominje materijalne obaveze Srpske arhiepiskopije i patrijaršije prema Karejskoj ćeliji. Rad objašnjava poreklo i prirodu materijalnih davanja prema isposnici Sv. Save Jerusalimskog. Takođe, bliže se određuje vremenski okvir uspostavljanja takvih odnosa. Analiza podataka koji ukazuju da su arhiepiskopi i patrijarsi imali pravo da prikupljaju bir i vrhovinu sa nekih poseda, ukazuju na postojanje posebe eparhije pod drektom jurisdikcijom poglavara Srpske crkve u okolini Peći. Pored pokušaja da se približno odrede okviri delovanja takve eparhije razmatrana je i korelacija sa hvostanskim crkvenim centrom.Kareia cell was spiritually and administratively connected to Hilandar monastery, but it had a total economic autonomy. There are a few documents testifying that the pontiffs of Serbian church in Middle Ages were obliged to pay a certain amount of money to St. Sava cell, annually. The oldest preserved document mentioning this tax is the charter of the archbishop Nikodim for the Kareia cell from 1321. According to this chart, the Archiepiscopacy was paying the amount of 40 perpers for the sustenance of monks in Kareia and, apart from that, was supposed to give one mule. From the same document we find out that the abovementioned charge had also been present in the earlier period. The charter of emperor Dusan from 1355, among other things, contains also a decree about the obligations of the Patriarchy towards Kareia cell in the same amount. Apart from that, it clarifies the problem by explaining that the Patriarchy is collecting the profits from the "vrhovina" and "krina" (a type of church tax) from Hilandar metohija, and because of that, as compensation, it allows the Kareia cell a monetary charge. The document analysis shows that establishing this kind of relations could have happened only in the period after moving the seat of the Serbian church to Pec, most probably in the period of the archbishop Sava III. It was implied that the pontiff of Serbian church had a separate eparchy in the vicinity of Pec, to which two Hilandar estates belonged, probably metohija of Krusevo. Scarce data on this eparchy do not allow reconstruction of its size. Mentioning the bishop of Pec in the 15th century may be related to this special church area activity

Upgrading fuel potentials of waste biomass via hydrothermal carbonization

In recent decades, massive exploitation of fossil fuels caused a growing demand for the production of energies from renewable sources. Hydrochar obtained from waste biomass via hydrothermal carbonization (HTC) possesses good potentials as a biofuel. Therefore, we performed HTC of corn cob, paulownia leaves, and olive pomace at different temperatures (180, 220, and 260oC). The main goal of this study was to comparatively evaluate the influence of HTC conditions on the structure and fuel characteristics of the obtained solids. The results showed that the yields of hydrochar decrease significantly with increasing temperature in all samples. The carbon content and higher heating value increased and reached the highest values in hydrochars obtained at 260°C, while the content of volatile matter decreased. Furthermore, the Van Krevelen diagram reveals that the transformation of feedstock to lignite-like products upon HTC was achieved. In this study, the results showed that processes of dehydration and decarboxylation during HTC provoke intensive biomass transformation and that hydrochars obtained at higher temperatures have significantly enhanced fuel properties and fewer volatiles compared to the feedstock.Link to erratum: [https://vinar.vin.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/10171

Erratum to: Upgrading fuel potentials of waste biomass via hydrothermal carbonization (Hem. Ind. 75 (5) 297–305 (2021))

This article has been published under the category Technical paper instead of Original scientific paper by mistake made by the Editorial Office of the journal Hemijska industrija during the proofreading process. Apologies are offered to authors and readers of the journal Hemijska industrija.Related to published version: [https://vinar.vin.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/10170

GRDAN’S UPRISING IN THE PLANS AND ARCHIVES OF THE APOSTOLIC SEE

This study of the uprising of the voivode Grdan (1596–1597) was conducted within a wider context of the Apostolic See and Pope Clement VIII’s plans for missionary work by Franciscan Observants and Jesuits in the regions ruled by the Ottomans that was intended to strength Catholic congregations. In the years preceding the Long War (1593–1606), a belief emerged that the Ottoman Empire had weakened enough to easily collapse in the face of an attack by united Christian states backed by major uprisings among the Christians under their rule. The Apostolic See believed this would pave the way for mass conversion of Orthodox Christians and Muslims. Such beliefs were promoted by various adventurists and self-proclaimed servants of several royal courts. This paper is primarily based on the correspondence of Clement VIII and Cardinal Cinzio Aldobrandini with Patriarch Jovan II Kantul and Archbishop Toma Ursini, as well as on statements by Lazzaro Soranzo in his work L’Ottomanno. The paper will also pinpoint more precisely voivode Grdan’s uprising in comparison to what historiography has told us. Also, the names of some leaders of the people that supported him will be identified

Territorial division of Serbian church at the beginning of XIII century

Koliko je autorima ovog priloga poznato, pred čitaocima je prvi pokušaj da se odrede konture prostora duhovne nadležnosti episkopa srpske crkve u godinama i decenijama nakon osnivanja Srpske arhiepiskopije 1219. godine. Polazi se od pretpostavke da postoji veliki stepen podudaranja između teritorija pojedinih "zemalja" i prvobitnih eparhija. S tim u vezi je dat i uvodni pregled teritorijalnih jedinica srednjovekovne Srbije, počev od sela i župa, isturenih krajišta "krajina" i gradskih distrikta, sve do "zemalja". Poslednje su bile dugotrajne formacije sačinjene od župa i nenastanjenih predela između njih i bile su osnova teritorijalne organizacije na državnom nivou. Na sličnim načelima je verovatno bila ustrojena i crkvena uprava.This paper deals with the issue of the territorial division of the Serbian Archbishopric established in 1219/1221. Namely, its territory has been divided into eleven separate church units to improve the spiritual life of the flock. The names of these episcopacies were: Žiča, Zeta, Humska, Dabar, Budimlja, Moravice, Toplica, Hvosno, Ras, Lipljan, and Prizren. The first one was the seat of the Serbian Archiepiscopacy at the same time. Only the three last mentioned above had existed as the part of the previous church structure before they became the part of the new ecclesiastical system. All other was established in the process of the creation of the new "national" church. It was a tremendous task because of the sparse settlement structure and the undeveloped economy in many parts of Serbia at that time. Considering the almost critical absence of the contemporary sources, it has been no attempts so far to reconstruct the contour of the territorial division of the Serbian Archbishopric in its early stage of development. Only in the cases of the diocese of Moravice and Žiča, it has been possible to outline the approximate borderlines of these two dioceses. For all other, there is only the uncertain idea about their geographical position. However, the fruitful research of the secular state structure of the medieval Kingdome of Bosnia and the Serbian State under the Nemanyd dynasty has brought new results in last few decades. It is now more evident that there were more complex ways to cluster the lover units of the territorial division into the larger systems. Namely, many villages were summoned together, and they formed the districts called župas following the patterns which were mostly influenced by the character of the local landscape and demographic situation. Besides, there were two other types of territories: city districts of the few significant towns such were Prizren and Niš, and particular border areas, so-called krajinas. However, they are less important for our research. At least two or more župas, together with neighbouring uninhabited areas, such as are mountain ranges or heavily forested hilly terrain, formed the so-called lands. Each of them had its prehistory, and therefore they had the various time of creation. It is mention worthy that all of them were long-lasting geographical configurations which were only partially influenced by the numerous political shifts or gradual social and economic development. One more striking feature is the fact that the vast majority of lands share the same name with the abovementioned church units. In case of the Land of Moravice the geographical space of this administrative unit almost entirely coincides with the territory of the bishoprics of the same name. This feature suggests that this similarity was the result of the planned strategy. It is most probable that King Stephan the First-Crowned and his younger brother Sava Nemanjić, who became the first Archbishop of Serbian Episcopacy, adjusted the newly formed ecclesiastical infrastructure to the existing civil and military territorial division presented in Serbia at the beginning of the XIII century as much as it was possible. Based on this idea, it has been possible to reconstruct the territory of each of eleven episcopacies approximately. This task was very challenging because of the many obstacles, as follows. Uninhabited parts of medieval Serbia, as mentioned before, were not covered with the župa organisation. Therefore, in many cases, it is doubtful where to allocate some mountain ranges or scarcely populated valleys and tablelands situated between two joining lands. Furthermore, in some cases, župas were not grouped into lands, as it was the case with the regions of Ibar and Zapadna Morava Rivers or in the historical area of Kosovo. It was here where the organisational structure was the most changeable due to the creation of new church units (Žiča, Hvosno). As the result of our research, it has become clear that the even the territories of two ancient lands may have been unified under the church jurisdiction of one prelate. It may have been precisely the situation with the diocese of Zeta, which included the historical lands of the same name, previously called Duklja, and most probably the whole region of the historical Land of Travunija. Moreover, there were the cases when the recent conquest portions of the Byzantine Empire became the part of the closest diocese, although they have not belonged to the land of the same name. For example, the Župas of Morava and Dubravnica, which were situated in the Morava Valley, may have been merged to the Land of Toplica. One may notice, that the creation of the new Archbishopric significantly contributed to the corroboration of the existing territorial division of the Kingdome of Serbia. Furthermore, as the consequence of the above-described practice, i. e. of merging several smaller territorial units into more spacious assemblies, the new lands were created covering almost the entire territory of the state in the following centuries. Thanks to these processes the management structure was significantly upgraded

DETERMING THE PRICE OF TRACTOR OPERATION DEPENDING ON THE ANNUAL ENGAGEMENT

The paper presents a calculation of fixed and variable costs for a John Deere 6110 B tractor, depending on the annual engagement of 400 and 600 working hours. Depreciation, interest, insurance, garage, repair and registration costs are calculated as fixed (ownership) costs. The costs of tractor maintenance, fuel and lubricants are presented as variable (operating) costs. The gross salary of workers and profit margin are also calculated. The value of fixed costs was calculated, regardless of the hiring of tractors during the year, 4,910 EUR. Depending on the number of working hours of tractors during the year, variable costs ranged from 14,942 EUR to 21,906 EUR. The price of tractor operation per hour was 62.67 EUR for 400 and 56.73 EUR for 600 hours of operation. With the increase in the annual engagement of tractors from 400 to 600 hours, the costs of labor per hour decreases by 5.94 EUR. In the calculation of the price of tractor work, variable costs participated with 59.61% and 64.36%, fixed costs with 19.59% and 14.42%, workers salaries with 4.95% and 5.46% and profit margin with a share of 15.85% and 15.76% for 400 and 600 hours of work, respectively. Taking into account the calculated costs, the prices of services provided by the tractor and machinery can be realistically determined, so based on that, farmers will choose whether it is more profitable for them to buy a new tractor or to rent a tractor as needed