The remittances behaviour of the second generation in Europe: altruism or self-interest?

Whereas most research on remittances focuses on first-generation migrants, the aim of this paper is to investigate the remitting behaviour of the host country-born children of migrants - the second generation - in various European cities. Some important studies found that migrant transnationalism is not only a phenomenon for the first generation, but also apply to the second and higher generations, through, among other things, family visits, elder care, and remittances. At the same time, the maintenance of a strong ethnic identity in the ‘host’ society does not necessarily mean that second-generation migrants have strong transnational ties to their ‘home’ country. The data used in this paper is from “The Integration of the European Second Generation” (TIES) project. The survey collected information on approximately 6,250 individuals aged 18-35 with at least one migrant parent from Morocco, Turkey or former Yugoslavia, in 15 European cities, regrouped in 8 ‘countries’. For the purpose of this paper, only analyses for Austria (Linz and Vienna); Switzerland (Basle and Zurich); Germany (Berlin and Frankfurt); France (Paris and Strasbourg); the Netherlands (Amsterdam and Rotterdam); Spain (Barcelona and Madrid); and Sweden (Stockholm) will be presented.

Transnationalism and Social Work Education

Transnational movements, networks, and relationships are everywhere in this “world on the move” (Williams & Graham, 2014, p. i1). Transnational peoples maintain relationships of interdependence and support with families and communities in their places of origin, often returning regularly, while starting new lives and making new connections. Transnationalism is characterized by mobilities and networks, by social integration, and by extended and extensive relationship ties of family, neighborhood, religious faith, or combinations thereof (Valtonen, 2008). While disciplines across the world including sociology, human geography, and cultural anthropology engage with the implications of transnationalism (Bauböck & Faist, 2010), social work in England and mainland Europe has not achieved similar levels of engagement. As Cox and Geisen state: “the social world is being transformed by migration and social work is playing catch-up” (2014, p. i162)

Reconceptualizing Context: A Multilevel Model of the Context of Reception and Second-Generation Educational Attainment

This paper seeks to return scholarly attention to a core intellectual divide between segmented and conventional (or neo-)assimilation approaches, doing so through a theoretical and empirical reconsideration of contextual effects on second-generation outcomes. We evaluate multiple approaches to measuring receiving country contextual effects and measuring their impact on the educational attainment of the children of immigrants. We demonstrate that our proposed measures better predict second-generation educational attainment than prevailing approaches, enabling a multilevel modeling strategy that accounts for the structure of immigrant families nested within different receiving contexts

Return mobilities of highly skilled young people to a post-conflict region: the case of Kurdish-British to Kurdistan – Iraq

Building upon insights from recent studies on the ‘return mobilities’ of children of migrants to their parents’ country of origin, this paper focuses on the motives of highly skilled young people from the UK who migrate to their parental post-conflict region (Kurdistan-Iraq), an area that has experienced long-term conflict and profound economic and political instability. The existing studies on children of migrants’ return mobilities place more emphasis on cultural and economic considerations while paying little attention to the associated ideological and political elements. Based on interviews concerning 32 highly skilled young British-Kurdish people’s migration to Kurdistan-Iraq, this paper argues that the transnational mobilities of the 1.5 generation and second generation of refugee-diasporas are more driven by the collective trauma of their parents’ displacement, their feeling of expulsion and intergenerational articulation with an imagined homeland, than they are by economic considerations and/or nostalgia. The Kurdish political aspiration to develop Kurdish institutions and a national economy for a potential statehood in Northern Iraq has also created hope among young Kurdish people and influenced their motivations to ‘return’. In this context, this paper focuses on the political, ideological and emotional dimensions of return mobilities and draws attention to return mobilities among a new generation of refugees to their parental post-conflict homeland

does participating in national and ethnic associations promote migrant integration a study with young first and second generation migrants

On arrival to a new country, migrants usually face language barriers, cultural barriers, discrimination, and other sources of unjust contextual conditions that lower their chances of a successful life (Handy and Greenspan, Nonprofit Volunt Sect Q 38:956–982, 2009). This scenario compromises their levels of well-being and supports a tendency toward social fragmentation in places of settlement (Garcia-Ramirez et al., Am J Community Psychol 47(1–2), 86–97, 2011). In response to this situation, migrants' engagement in civic life has been identified as an important element for developing both individual well-being and cohesive communities (Gilster, J Community Psychol 40(7), 769–784, 2012) (Stoll and Wong, Int Migr Rev 41(4), 880–908, 2007). Using a qualitative study, the present work explores the effects of activism on youth of sub-Saharan African origin, of the first and second generations, who are active in national and ethnic associations. The work aims to explore (1) through narratives the meaning that integration has for young migrants; (2) how integrated they feel; and (3) the role of the association, both national and ethnic, in the perception of integration of these young people

Racialized Architectural Space: A Critical Understanding of its Production, Perception and Evaluation

Academic inquiry into the concept of space as racialized can be traced back to at least as far as the turn of the twentieth century with sociologist W. E. B. Dubois’ promulgation of the “color-line” theory. More recently, numerous postmodern scholars from a variety of fields have elucidated the various ways in which physical space (i.e., the built environment), as a social product, embodies racialized ideologies exhibited and reproduced by segregation, economics and other social practices. The dialogue on race and space has primarily been limited to the urban scales of city, neighborhood, community and street. Socio-spatial research that centers around race rarely addresses this phenomenon at the scale of architecture – the individual building or a particular development. Such a failure to critically examine the role of the architectural product in the creation and reproduction of socio-spatial and socio-racial inequality yields the field of architectural practice exempt and blameless in its tangible contribution to the psychosocial and geospatial marginalization of communities of color, as in, for example, the case of gentrification. This paper attempts to illustrate the fact that architecture, like all of the built physical environment, is not ahistorical, apolitical – and certainly not race neutral – but, as a social product, is also understood clearly within these contexts, and its psychological and social impacts and outcomes must be examined with a racially critical lens, particularly in heterogeneous urban communities