Polityka gospodarcza w deklaracjach wyborczych kandydatów na Urząd Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w 2010 roku

The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland’s president by a small majority. Kaczyński’s defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate.The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland’s president by a small majority. Kaczyński’s defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate

Polska polityka gospodarcza w działalności Rady Ministrów w latach 2005–2006

After the Law and Justice Party (PiS) had won parliamentary elections, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz was appointed Prime Minister in September 2005. Economic policy was one of the elements of his Government’s policy. The Government tried to achieve its goals by creating new jobs and increasing the level of investment in Poland. This was to be supported by the liberalization of laws regulating business activity. With respect to economic policy, the Council of Ministers intended to reform public finance and implement a council housing project. The Cabinet of Prime Minister Marcinkiewicz was not able to implement all the principles of the Solidarity State platform within the 9 months of its work. However, the Government did manage to persuade the EU to allocate EUR 90 bn from the EU 2007–2013 budget to Poland. The Government also succeeded in aligning Poland’s 2006 budget with a new legal act limiting the state deficit to a maximum level of PLN 30 bn. Additionally, the Government drew up economic plans aimed at improving the condition of the Polish economy. However, it failed to implement the reforms of public finance, council housing, free economic activity and the diversification of natural gas supplies

Polish government policy towards the hard coal mining sector after 2015

The article looks at the government’s policy towards the hard coal mining sector in Poland in the years 2015–2021 in the context of the climate policy of the European Union, and the increase in demand for energy resources of the Polish economy. Despite the fact that for several years hard coal mines in Poland have been generating losses, they continue to operate. For political reasons, they could count on government support. Poland’s obligations towards the EU have made the transition from hard coal in the power industry inevitable. The article discusses the assumptions of the government’s mine restructuring plan until 2049. Its implementation depends on the decision of the European Commission on granting public aid to the liquidated mines

Changes in the global shipbuilding industry on the examples of selected states worldwide in the 21st century

PURPOSE: The paper aims at analysing the changes in the shipbuilding industry and the decisions of various states seeking to increase the competitiveness of Asian and European shipyards in the 21st century, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the portfolio of shipbuilding orders in 2020.DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH: The method of decision analysis makes it possible to identify the causes and effects of decisions made by governments and the management of shipbuilding groups. The comparative method is used to compare the changes taking place in the European and Asian shipbuilding industries. The statistical method is used to illustrate the dynamics of the economic and financial situations of shipyards.FINDINGS: Shipyards operate on a competitive world market which experiences cyclical fluctuations in demand for ships. The dominant position of East Asian shipyards in the world market in the 21st century is the result of state subsidies, low labor costs, and the establishment of shipbuilding groups. In 2020, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, shipowners reduced orders for ships in the wake of a decline in demand for sea transport. The pandemic crisis hit shipyards in Europe specializing in the construction of cruise ships hardest.PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: The European Union should adopt solutions that will allow European shipyards to maintain their leading position in constructing complex, technologically advanced ships. To survive the difficult situation on the shipping market, the European shipbuilding industry should use its shipbuilding potential in the field of ship repairs and offshore wind energy better.ORIGINALITY/VALUE: The research conducted made it possible to present the differences between the European and Asian shipbuilding markets and compare the outcomes of decisions made by various states faced by the financial crisis of shipyards.peer-reviewe

The influence of institutional and legal conditions on ownership transformations of selected state-owned maritime enterprises in Poland

PURPOSE: The purpose of this paper is to analyze and evaluate the impact of state institutions on the process of ownership transformation of selected Polish state-owned maritime enterprises after 1989 and to show the relationship between legal solutions and the course of ownership changes of the studied entities.DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH: The historical method was used to show the reasons for the transition from socialist to market economy. Thanks to the decision-making method, the reasons for and effects of decisions made by the Polish government regarding ownership transformations of selected state-owned maritime enterprises were presented. The institutional-legal method was used to illustrate the range of competencies of state institutions and to analyze the relationships that existed between them.FINDINGS: The ownership transformation of state-owned maritime enterprises was an important element of the system transformation in Poland that began in the late 1980s. Establishment of institutional-legal principles of functioning of a democratic state allowed cancelling legal acts applicable in the system of socialist economy. Laws adopted by the parliament created the legal basis for the establishment of public institutions participating in the process of ownership changes of selected economic entities.PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: The policy of the Polish government regarding ownership transformations of state enterprises in the shipbuilding industry has not brought the intended results.. Currently, the reconstruction of manufacturing shipyards in Poland is impossible, which is due to the dominance of the Asian shipbuilding market on a global scale.ORIGINALITY/VALUE: The conducted research allowed to present political, legal and economic factors conditioning the implementation of ownership changes of selected state enterprises of maritime economy.peer-reviewe

Proces prywatyzacji Stoczni Szczecińskiej Nowa Sp. z o.o. w latach 2004–2009

Between 2004 and 2009, Stocznia Szczecińska Nowa Sp. z o.o. (SSN) was one of the largest state-owned Polish companies in the shipyard sector. The privatization of the shipyard was a pivotal element of the economic plans put forward by the Governments of Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jarosław Kaczyński and Donald Tusk. However, this postulate was not implemented by their respective Cabinets. The difficulties in privatizing the shipyard were due to a change in the policy towards the shipbuilding industry, delays in preparing economic plans which followed from the fact that the European Commission (EC) did not accept the restructuring plans made by the companies interested in taking over the property and the assets of the shipyard, and also because the authorities responsible for finding investors were incompetent in doing so. Marek Belka’s government plan to consolidate the shipbuilding industry, aimed at selling all the property and assets of SSN within the framework of the Corporation of Polish Shipyards, was rejected by the government of Marcinkiewicz. The guidelines for privatizing the shipbuilding industry promised by the Marcinkiewicz government were never formulated or defined for the sector. The program was later accepted by the Kaczyñski Government, which despite earlier promises failed to privatize the shipyard. Donald Tusk’s Cabinet was not able to live up to the challenges connected with the shipyard industry crisis. Negotiations between the Polish Government and Amber Sp. z o.o. over the privatization plan for the shipyard failed. The shipyard’s restructuring plan produced by Mostostal Chojnice SA was not accepted by the EC. The Tusk government failed to find an investor in the public tenders announced for the property and assets of the shipyard – a Qatar company withdrew its initial proposal to buy the shipyard and there were no other investors willing to take it over. This was the main reason for the ensuing bankruptcy of the Szczecin shipyard.Between 2004 and 2009, Stocznia Szczecińska Nowa Sp. z o.o. (SSN) was one of the largest state-owned Polish companies in the shipyard sector. The privatization of the shipyard was a pivotal element of the economic plans put forward by the Governments of Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jarosław Kaczyński and Donald Tusk. However, this postulate was not implemented by their respective Cabinets. The difficulties in privatizing the shipyard were due to a change in the policy towards the shipbuilding industry, delays in preparing economic plans which followed from the fact that the European Commission (EC) did not accept the restructuring plans made by the companies interested in taking over the property and the assets of the shipyard, and also because the authorities responsible for finding investors were incompetent in doing so. Marek Belka’s government plan to consolidate the shipbuilding industry, aimed at selling all the property and assets of SSN within the framework of the Corporation of Polish Shipyards, was rejected by the government of Marcinkiewicz. The guidelines for privatizing the shipbuilding industry promised by the Marcinkiewicz government were never formulated or defined for the sector. The program was later accepted by the Kaczyñski Government, which despite earlier promises failed to privatize the shipyard. Donald Tusk’s Cabinet was not able to live up to the challenges connected with the shipyard industry crisis. Negotiations between the Polish Government and Amber Sp. z o.o. over the privatization plan for the shipyard failed. The shipyard’s restructuring plan produced by Mostostal Chojnice SA was not accepted by the EC. The Tusk government failed to find an investor in the public tenders announced for the property and assets of the shipyard – a Qatar company withdrew its initial proposal to buy the shipyard and there were no other investors willing to take it over. This was the main reason for the ensuing bankruptcy of the Szczecin shipyard

Security theory and practice: Energy security and environmental/climate protection in the second decade of the 21st century: Development trends

ZE WSTĘPU: W niniejszym tomie podjęte zostały aktualne zagadnienia związane z wybranymi aspektami bezpieczeństwa ekologicznego (w ujęciu przedmiotowym i narodowym), jak również implikacjami powiązania kwestii ochrony środowiska i klimatu z rozwojem społeczno-ekonomicznym oraz polityką i bezpieczeństwem energetycznym

Proces prywatyzacji Stoczni Szczecińskiej Nowa Sp. z o.o. w latach 2004–2009

Between 2004 and 2009, Stocznia Szczeciñska Nowa Sp. z o.o. (SSN) was one of the largest state-owned Polish companies in the shipyard sector. The privatization of the shipyard was a pivotal element of the economic plans put forward by the Governments of Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jaros³aw Kaczyñski and Donald Tusk. However, this postulate was not implemented by their respective Cabinets. The difficulties in privatizing the shipyard were due to a change in the policy towards the shipbuilding industry, delays in preparing economic plans which followed from the fact that the European Commission (EC) did not accept the restructuring plans made by the companies interested in taking over the property and the assets of the shipyard, and also because the authorities responsible for finding investors were incompetent in doing so. Marek Belka’s government plan to consolidate the shipbuilding industry, aimed at selling all the property and assets of SSN within the framework of the Corporation of Polish Shipyards, was rejected by the government of Marcinkiewicz. The guidelines for privatizing the shipbuilding industry promised by the Marcinkiewicz government were never formulated or defined for the sector. The program was later accepted by the Kaczyñski Government, which despite earlier promises failed to privatize the shipyard. Donald Tusk’s Cabinet was not able to live up to the challenges connected with the shipyard industry crisis. Negotiations between the Polish Government and Amber Sp. z o.o. over the privatization plan for the shipyard failed. The shipyard’s restructuring plan produced by Mostostal Chojnice SA was not accepted by the EC. The Tusk government failed to find an investor in the public tenders announced for the property and assets of the shipyard – a Qatar company withdrew its initial proposal to buy the shipyard and there were no other investors willing to take it over. This was the main reason for the ensuing bankruptcy of the Szczecin shipyard

The assumptions and implementation of the Polish government’s program regarding Poland’s energy security in terms of the European Union climate and energy policy in the second decade of the 21st century

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publicationOpracowanie przedstawia założenia i realizację warunków polityki bezpieczeństwa energetycznego rządów Beaty Szydło i Mateusza Morawieckiego. W artykule omówiono decyzje polskiego rządu w sprawie restrukturyzacji górnictwa węgla kamiennego, udziału węgla kamiennego i brunatnego w strukturze zużycia energii pierwotnej w Polsce, redukcji emisji gazów cieplarnianych w atmosferze oraz rozwoju odnawialnych źródeł energii. Problematykę tę przedstawiono w kontekście zobowiązań Polski wobec polityki klimatyczno-energetycznej Unii Europejskiej do 2020 r. i 2030 r. Zwrócono uwagę na przyczyny niechęci polskich rządów wobec zielonej energii oraz jej rozwój w krajach UE. Uwzględniono konsekwencje, jakie Polska może ponieść w wyniku niewywiązania się z unijnych zobowiązań.The paper presents the assumptions and implementation of the energy security policy realized by Beata Szydło’s and Mateusz Morawiecki’s government. The decisions of the Polish government were limited to coal mining restructuring, the share of coal and brown coal in the structure of primary energy consumption in Poland, the reduction of greenhouse gases emission in the atmosphere and the development of renewable energy sources. The issue was presented in the context of Poland’s obligations arising from the European Union climate and energy policy by 2020 and 2030. The author noted the reasons of Polish government’s reluctance towards green energy and its development in the EU countries. The consequences that Poland may incur as a result of its failure to satisfy the EU’s condition were examined