Party System Institutionalization: The Case of Chile and Why We Need to Un-Pack the Concept and its Measurement

The analysis of party voter linkages presented in this paper illustrates the risks of conflating party system stability and programmatic structuring in a one-dimensional concept of party system institutionalization, showing that while electoral volatility has remained low over time, programmatic structuring has weakened and party-voter linkages have significantly mutated. Moreover, the data also suggests that social fragmentation and inequality have enabled parties to combine different linkage-types with constituents, thereby minimizing the sustainability trade-offs identified in Kitschelt's original analytical framework. In conclusion, both conceptual innovation and alternative empirical strategies are needed to better describe and explain the heterogeneous and socially segmented linkage strategies that ambitious politicians are crafting in Latin America in pursuit of a winning electoral coalition

Deflecting my burden, hindering redistribution: How elites influence tax legislation in Latin America

This paper proposes to understand a singular but salient factor that enables the wealthy to deflect their tax burden downwards: elites' political leverage to shape legislation via their capacity to influence political actors and policy outcomes. The analysis sheds light on alternative mechanisms used by economic elites over time and space. Our analysis of the political economy of taxing upper-income groups in Chile and Uruguay reveals the importance of continuous political agency on the part of organized elite interest groups. Our results show how even centre-left parties competing on a redistributive programmatic platform confront and concede to the interests of wealthy elites, especially when sustained interaction between political leaders and economic elites becomes routinized in the long run

The Chilean elections of December 2009 and January 2010

On 13 December 2009, seven million Chileans went to the polls to elect the president who would run their country from 2010 to 2014, as well as lower chamber representatives of the country’s sixty electoral districts. The congressional election was characterized by continuity, with the center-left Concertación (CPD) and the center-right Alianza Por Chile (APC) confirmed as the two dominant congressional blocs. At the party level, the rightist Unión Demócrata Independiente (UDI) continued as the largest single party in electoral terms, while the Partido Demócrata Cristiano (PDC) continued its gradual but steady decline. The only novelty at the congressional level was the election of three congressional representatives from the Partido Comunista (PC), enabled by a pragmatic pact with the CPD to end its exclusion from the chamber. In terms of voter turnout and citizenship’s participation in elections, this electoral cycle was also characterized by continuity, with turnout reaching 84% of registered voters (close to the average for post-1990 elections), but with the percentage of the eligible population registered to vote dropping to an all-time low of 68%

Phase Shifter for Millimeter-Wave Frequency Range Based on Glide Symmetric Structures

The use of glide symmetry in radiofrequency devices to introduce dispersive effects has been recently proposed and demonstrated. One of these effects is to control the propagation constant of the structure. Here, we propose a mm-wave phase shifter whose elements have a glide-symmetric configuration to achieve a greater phase shift in the same waveguide space than the non-glide-symmetric case. The glide-symmetric phase shifter is implemented in waveguide technology and is formed by rows of metallic pins that produce the desired phase shift. To assess the better performance of the glide-symmetric phase shifter, it is compared to its non-glide-symmetric version whose metallic pins are located only in one of the broad sides of the waveguide. The operating frequency range of the phase shifter is 67 to 75 GHz. Results show a 180 degree phase shift in regard to the reference waveguide without pins, and 50 degrees more than the non-glide-symmetric version.Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech

¿Un callejón sin salida? Trayectorias políticas y alternativas de reforma en Uruguay

Este artículo describe algunos factores políticos que explican la evolución del régimen de bienestar uruguayo en la postransición. Entre las variables analizadas se destacan los componentes estructurales e institucionales de largo plazo. El artículo también especula acerca de cómo dichas variables podrían sobredeterminar eventuales escenarios de transformación del welfare uruguayo en la actualidad. En esta línea se argumenta que la combinación de factores socioestructurales, institucionales y de competencia política ha operado transfiriendo los costos del ajuste social hacia los sectores sociales menos organizados políticamente. Si bien esta dinámica ha dotado de estabilidad al propio sistema político, también ha consolidado una lógica dual de representación. En el contexto de una profunda transformación de la inserción internacional del país en el capitalismo global, esta configuración genera desafíos importantes para la construcción política de un modelo de desarrollo sostenible y más equitativo. Con base en este diagnóstico, se argumenta la necesidad de lograr articular coaliciones políticas amplias que sustenten un proceso redistributivo de cara a un nuevo modelo de desarrollo. Si bien el inédito ascenso de la izquierda al gobierno nacional presenta una oportunidad para lograr la articulación de dicha coalición, la propia heterogeneidad de las bases sociales del FA supone la presencia de pujas distributivas dentro del partido, las que podrían agravar alguna de las inercias socioestructurales e institucionales que aquí se describen, bloqueando así un proceso reformista capaz de reorientar el sistema de políticas sociales y su interfase con un modelo de desarrollo consistente y sustentable

Addressing the 5G cell switch-off problem with a multi-objective cellular genetic algorithm

© 20xx IEEE. Personal use of this material is permitted. Permission from IEEE must be obtained for all other uses, in any current or future media, including reprinting/republishing this material for advertising or promotional purposes, creating new collective works, for resale or redistribution to servers or lists, or reuse of any copyrighted component of this work in other works.The power consumption foreseen for 5G networks is expected to be substantially greater than that of 4G systems, mainly because of the ultra-dense deployments required to meet the upcoming traffic demands. This paper deals with a multi- objective formulation of the Cell Switch-Off (CSO) problem, a well-known and effective approach to save energy in such dense scenarios, which is addressed with an accurate, yet rather unknown multi-objective metaheuristic called MOCell (multi- objective cellular genetic algorithm). It has been evaluated over a different set of networks of increasing densification levels. The results have shown that MOCell is able to reach major energy savings when compared to a widely used multi-objective algorithm.TIN2016-75097-P Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech

Identificación de las percepciones y prácticas sobre las tortugas marinas (dermochelys coriacea, eretmochelys imbricata, chelonia mydas y caretta caretta) que tienen los actores locales de Acandí, Chocó, 2009

Ecólogo (a)Pregrad

Programmatic and non-programmatic party-voter linkages in two institutionalized party systems: Chile and Uruguay in comparative perspective

Failures in political representation are a key hindrance to the quality of democracy in Latin America, and the degree to which parties link to voters on a programmatic basis is crucial for the quality of representation. This dissertation analyzes the nature of party-voter linkages in two highly institutionalized party-systems of the region: Chile and Uruguay. Both cases should produce high-quality representation given certain important preconditions: partisan capacities, democratic contestation opportunities, and potential for grievance mobilization. However, this work shows that even in these best case scenarios the possibilities for structuring programmatic representation in contemporary Latin America are low. I explain differences in political representation through a framework of conjunctural causation that incorporates the long-term evolution of social and state structures into the analysis of party-systems and party-voter linkage configurations. Performing a multi-level comparison combining survey research and extensive fieldwork in paired-sample districts representing divergent causal configurations, I explain predominant linkage configurations in each country and district. My evidence shows that: a) while in the 1990s programmatic linkages have weakened in Chile, they have strengthened in Uruguay; b) significant levels of socioeconomic segmentation of programmatic linkages exist in Chile with upper classes linking to parties according to their programmatic preferences, while low-educated voters present extreme programmatic confusion and a combination of alienation from politics and instances of strongly localized, non-partisan (personalized), and non-programmatic linkages with candidates (financed by private-sector contributions, illegal municipal contracting, or focalized social policy); c) in Uruguay, economic crises have weakened traditional parties' clientelistic machines, reinforcing discontent with both parties and generating the opportunity for the leftwing Frente Amplio to grow by programmatically opposing neoliberal reforms; d) nonetheless, in a relatively favorable systemic context, a weaker pattern of segmented linkage strategies also emerged in Uruguay. Institutional and elite-centered analyses have predominated in the literature on political representation. The main theoretical contribution of this work is to bring society and informal institutions 'back in' to the analysis. This provides a more comprehensive understanding of the complex combination of variables that interact --usually over a long period of time--to cause different patterns of "representation" in a given society

Esclavos en la Granada del siglo XVI (1508-1568): panorámica desde los registros parroquiales

Slavery in Granada in the 16th Century was not substantially different from other cities of administrative nature of its time. As a place mainly devoted to public service, most slaves were employed for domestic chores, although there were also artisans and craftsmen who had recourse to them for their craftsmanship. The aim of this paper is to offer a general picture of slavery in the city of Granada as a social phenomenon having the so-called sacramental books as primary sources, since their diversity of content add new and interesting details to previous studies on the topic. The last part of this paper is devoted to the distribution of slavery among the diverse productive sectors.La esclavitud en la Granada del siglo XVI no difiere sustancialmente de otras ciudades de carácter administrativo de su tiempo. Como centro de servicios, la mayor parte de los esclavos se emplearon en las labores domésticas, pero no faltaron artesanos o manufactureros que incorporaron esta mano de obra a las actividades propias de su oficio. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar una panorámica general del fenómeno social de la esclavitud en la urbe granadina a partir de la información proporcionada por los libros sacramentales, cuya diversidad añade nuevos e interesantes matices a otros estudios existentes sobre la materia. La última parte presta atención a la distribución de la esclavitud entre los sectores productivos

Slaves in Granada in the 16th century (1508-1568): an overview from parish registers

La esclavitud en la Granada del siglo XVI no difiere sustancialmente de otras ciudades de carácter administrativo de su tiempo. Como centro de servicios, la mayor parte de los esclavos se emplearon en las labores domésticas, pero no faltaron artesanos o manufactureros que incorporaron esta mano de obra a las actividades propias de su oficio. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar una panorámica general del fenómeno social de la esclavitud en la urbe granadina a partir de la información proporcionada por los libros sacramentales, cuya diversidad añade nuevos e interesantes matices a otros estudios existentes sobre la materia. La última parte presta atención a la distribución de la esclavitud entre los sectores productivos.Slavery in Granada in the 16 th Century was not substantially different from other cities of administrative nature of its time. As a place mainly devoted to public service, most slaves were employed for domestic chores, although there were also artisans and craftsmen who had recourse to them for their craftsmanship. The aim of this paper is to offer a general picture of slavery in the city of Granada as a social phenomenon having the so-called sacramental books as primary sources, since their diversity of content add new and interesting details to previous studies on the topic. The last part of this paper is devoted to the distribution of slavery among the diverse productive sectors