Blood is Thicker than Water: Family Ties to Political Power Worldwide

This article analyzes the relevance of family ties for the recruitment of chief executives - presidents or prime ministers - with special emphasis on gender. Based on a cross-national data-set examining political chief executives from 2000-2017 in five world regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe, and North America), we test several hypotheses and present four main results. First, belonging to a political family (BPF), is an advantage to entering national executive positions around the world, for both democracies and non-democracies. Among those with a sizeable number of executives in this period, regions range from 9 percent (Africa) to 13 percent (Latin America and Europe) of executives BPF. Second, executives’ family ties are more powerful (with a previous chief executive) in Asia, Africa, and Latin America and more direct (with an immediate family member) in Asia and Africa. Across the globe, women only made up 6% of chief executives in the time period. Third, females who manage to become chief executives are more often BPF than their male counterparts, particularly in Asia and Latin America. Fourth, regardless of region, family ties nearly always originate from men, not women

A tough woman around tender men: Dilma Rousseff, gendered double bind, and misogynistic backlash

Dilma Rousseff\u27s presidency ended in controversial form. The first woman elected to the position in Brazil, Rousseff\u27s 2016 impeachment was seen as a coup by her supporters and as a necessary step for democracy by her detractors. With the Brazilian economy facing its worst recession in history and the Car Wash corruption scandal ravaging the political class, critics continually raised questions about Rousseff\u27s leadership style and abilities. This article analyzes how this criticism in part can be attributed to gendered subjective understandings of preferred leadership traits. Using a thematic analysis of interviews with political actors in five different Brazilian states conducted in 2017 and 2018, we demonstrate that gender stereotypes and sexism fueled criticisms about women\u27s political leadership. While Rousseff\u27s presidency was riddled with problems, the president\u27s leadership style and abilities were scrutinized in distinct gendered ways, indicating a gendered double bind and a backlash against women in politics

The "Accidental Candidate" Versus Europe's Longest Dictator: Belarus's Unfinished Revolution for Women

Women in Central and Eastern Europe have made gains as presidents and prime ministers. A notable exception to this is Belarus, where President Alyaksandr Lukashenka, the longest dictator in Europe, has tightly clung to power since 1994. Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya surprised many when she threw her hat in the ring for the 2020 presidential election. This article asks how Tsikhanouskaya arose as the 2020 opposition candidate and how gender shaped the campaign. Gender played a central role in her being able to stand in the election. Her husband had been a leading presidential candidate but was imprisoned by the regime. Like women who rose to executive leadership positions, Tsikhanouskaya ran in her husband’s place. Lukashenka permitted her candidacy because he did not see her as a political threat. Lukashenka regularly diminished her candidacy using sexist rhetoric. Tsikhanouskaya's own campaign highlighted more traditionally feminine traits such as being a nurturer, unifier, and non-power seeking, and only being in politics by chance. Referring to herself as an "accidental candidate," she made it clear that she sought to unify the Belarussian people against the dictatorship and would step aside after this was accomplished. As de facto opposition leader, she continues to highlight these more feminine qualities and craft a less threatening image

A duration analysis of congressional widows’ careers

The extensive congressional politics literature on House member retirement has yet to consider an important and unique subgroup of members – congressional widows. Using a semi-parametric Cox Model, this paper examines the duration of widows’ careers in the United States House of Representatives. Of particular concern are the relationships between years in office and age, education, region, prior political experience, committee positions, career ceilings, majority/minority status, and majority party size. We find that age, region, and majority party size are most relevant to understanding lengths of widows’ careers. In doing so, we contribute to the literature on political widows, gender in politics, as well as more general scholarship centered on congressional careers

Crisis, Gender Role Congruency, and Perceptions of Executive Leadership

At a time of pandemics, international economic downturns, and increasing environmental threats due to climate change, countries around the world are facing numerous crises. What impact might we expect these crises to have on the already common perception that executive leadership is a masculine domain? For years, women executives' ability to lead has been questioned (Jalalzai 2013). However, the outbreak of COVID-19 brought headlines like CNN's "Women Leaders Are Doing a Disproportionately Great Job at Handling the Pandemic " (Fincher 2020). Do crises offer women presidents and prime ministers opportunities to be perceived as competent leaders? Or do they prime masculinized leadership expectations and reinforce common conceptions that women are unfit to lead? We maintain that people's perceptions of crisis leadership will depend on whether the crisis creates role (in)congruity between traditional gender norms and the leadership expectations generated by the particular crisis

Gendered Political Violence as a Legal Framework: An Analysis of the Brazilian Reality

In August of 2021, the Brazilian government sanctioned in the Electoral Code and the Penal Code the typification of violence against women in politics (VAWIP) as a punishable crime. This research provides a critical analysis of the implementation of the 2021 Law n. 14.192 that typifies VAWIP as a crime. To do so we discuss how the law addresses, in theory, the types of VAWIP identified in the extant literature (physical, psychological, sexual, economic, and semiotic). We then discuss Brazil’s VAWIP law contextualizing it within the Brazilian political landscape, regional (as well as global) perspectives on the issue, and comparing Brazil’s law with the Inter-American model law on the prevention, punishment, and eradication of violence against women in political life. We argue that Brazil’s VAWIP law provide the legal basis for addressing the issue, but the ambiguous and broad language used in the law leaves a lot of room for interpretation of what will typify this kind of violence