Through Rebel Eyes: Rebel Groups, Human Rights, and Humanitarian Law

Trafikolyckor är ett globalt folkhälsoproblem som leder till svåra ekonomiska konsekvenser och psykiskt lidande. Ungdomar mellan 15-24 år och framförallt män är en särskilt utsatt grupp av olika anledningar. De har ofta en övertro på sin egen körförmåga, kör ofta över hastighetsgränserna och är överrepresenterade i alkoholrelaterade trafikolyckor. Vissa socioekonomiska skillnader finns i risken att råka ut för trafikolyckor. Ungdomar med låg utbildning samt barn från lägre socioekonomiska grupper, framförallt barn till lantbrukare, är överrepresenterade i motorfordonsolyckor. Syftet med denna uppsats är att beskriva uppfattningar av trafiksäkerhet, risker i trafiken samt den egna omgivningen bland unga, nya eller blivande manliga körkortstagare. Frågeställningarna lyder: Hur uppfattar unga män sig själva som bilförare? Vad har unga män för uppfattning av risker i trafiken? Vad har unga män för uppfattning av sin omgivning? Åtta enskilda djupgående intervjuer med gymnasieelever mellan 17-18 år, samtliga män, har gjorts. Flertalet av dessa är uppväxta i lantbrukarfamilj. Intervjuerna har behandlat frågor om den egna körerfarenheten, trafiksäkerhet, risker samt uppfattning av samhället och tillit tillandra människor. Resultaten visar att intervjupersonerna uppfattar sig som bättre förare jämfört med jämnåriga men något sämre än äldre. Det förekommer skilda uppfattningar om vadrisker i trafiken innebär och hur risker skall kunna förebyggas. Vidare finns en generell tillit till trafikregler och myndigheter som upprätthåller dessa. Uppfattningar av dagens samhälle och känslan av att vara delaktig speglas till viss del av intervjupersonernas egen bakgrund som lantbrukarbarn. Generellt har de även en när relation till familj och släkt.ISBN: 91-89556-62-3</p

case of non-state armed actors

This paper assesses the rise and decline of international rule of law in the case of non-state armed actors. Both signs of rise and signs of decline of international rule of law show in the case of non- state armed actors. Signs of rise include the expansion of coverage of international humanitarian law (IHL) and international criminal law, as well as international legal argumentation and rhetoric made by non-state armed groups. Some non-state armed actors express that they are governed by IHL in public statements or bilateral agreements with international actors, partly acknowledging universality of international humanitarian norms, and sometimes act as such. Signs of decline in the international rule of law also show – although some of them can be seen as business-as-usual – privileging of military advantage, instrumental use of international law (as justification and local interpretations), as well as conflicting understanding of IHL between local and global norms. The multiplicity of non-state actors also portends the decline of international rule of law, with the proliferation of many non-organized groups without legitimacy-seeking motivations

Can the International Criminal Court Deter Atrocity?

Whether and how violence can be controlled to spare innocent lives is a central issue in international relations. The most ambitious effort to date has been the International Criminal Court (ICC), designed to enhance security and safety by preventing egregious human rights abuses and deterring international crimes. We offer the first systematic assessment of the ICC\u27s deterrent effects for both state and nonstate actors. Although no institution can deter all actors, the ICC can deter some governments and those rebel groups that seek legitimacy. We find support for this conditional impact of the ICC cross-nationally. Our work has implications for the study of international relations and institutions, and supports the violence-reducing role of pursuing justice in international affairs

Measuring Norms and Normative Contestation: The Case of International Criminal Law

One way to tell if an international norm is robust is to assess the breadth of its support from a wide variety of important actors. We argue that to assess norm robustness, we should look at the general beliefs, rhetorical support, and actions of both primary and secondary norm addressees (states and non-state actors) at various levels: international, regional, domestic and local. By way of example, we evaluate the robustness of international criminal law (ICL) norms by looking at the rhetoric and actions of a diverse set of international actors, including not only states and intergovernmental organizations but also ordinary publics, rebel groups, and non-governmental organizations. Assessing evidence of norms beyond states leads us to conclude that the core ICL norms are robust but their practical and institutional applicability are still contested. Contestation over applicability is important and there are hints that it is growing, at least among some key actors, suggesting the possibility of ICL norm decay

Can the International Criminal Court Deter Atrocity?

Whether and how violence can be controlled to spare innocent lives is a central issue in international relations. The most ambitious effort to date has been the International Criminal Court (ICC), designed to enhance security and safety by preventing egregious human rights abuses and deterring international crimes. We offer the first systematic assessment of the ICC\u27s deterrent effects for both state and nonstate actors. Although no institution can deter all actors, the ICC can deter some governments and those rebel groups that seek legitimacy. We find support for this conditional impact of the ICC cross-nationally. Our work has implications for the study of international relations and institutions, and supports the violence-reducing role of pursuing justice in international affairs

Who Is a Rebel? Typology and Rebel Groups in the Contemporary Middle East

This article provides a typology of rebel groups in the Middle East from the perspective of political science and situates them in a broader context of rebellion around the world

Monitoring Compliance: The Design of Monitoring Institutions in International Cooperation.

This dissertation offers a theoretical framework for understanding the choice of monitoring institutions made by nation states under international treaties and agreements. Some international agreements adopt centralized monitoring institutions such as inspection systems, while others rely on decentralized measures such as reporting requirements. To explain the variation, I offer a formal model wherein states can choose a monitoring institution from a menu of options: a) no information-gathering system, b) a self-administered reporting system, or c) a third-party verification system. Using this model, I identify the conditions under which states choose one monitoring system over the others. The model features relevant political, economic, and technological factors that contribute to the choice of monitoring institutions in order to provide a comprehensive and complete picture of regulatory decisions. I particularly focus on the political and economic conditions that influence the choice of monitoring institutions. One of the main research findings concerns the negative effect of asymmetric compliance environments. Whether the political and economic situation of a potential cooperation partner is favorable or unfavorable for compliance clearly impacts the preferences of other partners in their choice of monitoring institutions. The asymmetry in compliance environments creates a demand for information as well as the opportunity to establish a centralized monitoring institution, but it simultaneously generates sharp distributional conflicts among member states—conflicts that may in turn inhibit adoption of a centralized monitoring mechanism. The theory I develop in this regard revisits the central tenet of received cooperation theory about the informational role of international institutions and shows how and why international institutions may be constrained in performing their informational role. The theory of asymmetric compliance environments is tested with newly assembled datasets of three issue areas of post-WWII international cooperation: regional trade agreements, regional fisheries agreements and arms control agreements. Empirical findings indicate informational needs as well as distributional conflicts surrounding the design of monitoring systems across the three issue areas. With its theoretical and empirical content, this dissertation contributes to our understanding of the informational role and information-gathering dynamics of international organizations and the politics involved therein.Ph.D.Political ScienceUniversity of Michigan, Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studieshttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/58423/1/hyeranjo_1.pd

Assessing the International Criminal Court

One of the most important issues surrounding international courts is whether they can further the dual causes of peace and justice. None has been more ambitious in this regard than the International Criminal Court (ICC). And yet the ICC has been the object of a good deal of criticism. Some people claim it has been an expensive use of resources that might have been directed to other purposes. Others claim that its accomplishments are meager because it has managed to try and convict so few people. And many commentators and researchers claim that the Court faces an inherent tension between the dual objectives of securing the peace and ending impunity for perpetrators of some of the most egregious crimes, including genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression. This chapter assesses the ability of the ICC to deter. In so doing, we follow the lead of the introduction and think not only about the Court’s performance in the narrow sense (e.g., how many people have been tried?) but rather think about the ways in which the ICC has contributed to a broader culture that refuses to tolerate impunity for violations of international criminal law. Because we must limit our topic to manageable proportions (and because we are social scientists and not lawyers) our focus is primarily on outcome performance rather than procedural performance. We focus on two outcomes alluded to in the introductory chapter: 1) reaching desired goals, and 2) deterring atrocities against civilians

Assessing the International Criminal Court

One of the most important issues surrounding international courts is whether they can further the dual causes of peace and justice. None has been more ambitious in this regard than the International Criminal Court (ICC). And yet the ICC has been the object of a good deal of criticism. Some people claim it has been an expensive use of resources that might have been directed to other purposes. Others claim that its accomplishments are meager because it has managed to try and convict so few people. And many commentators and researchers claim that the Court faces an inherent tension between the dual objectives of securing the peace and ending impunity for perpetrators of some of the most egregious crimes, including genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression. This chapter assesses the ability of the ICC to deter. In so doing, we follow the lead of the introduction and think not only about the Court’s performance in the narrow sense (e.g., how many people have been tried?) but rather think about the ways in which the ICC has contributed to a broader culture that refuses to tolerate impunity for violations of international criminal law. Because we must limit our topic to manageable proportions (and because we are social scientists and not lawyers) our focus is primarily on outcome performance rather than procedural performance. We focus on two outcomes alluded to in the introductory chapter: 1) reaching desired goals, and 2) deterring atrocities against civilians