New tasks for EU-NATO cooperation: an inclusive EU defence policy requires close collaboration with NATO

In recent years, difficult relations with Russia and the instability of the Southern Mediterranean have presented the EU and NATO with new challenges. They both put a stronger emphasis on countering hybrid threats, territorial defence and counterterrorism. In the course of this development, the EU and NATO have deepened their cooperation at staff level, while failing to harmonize their basic political and strategic objectives. EU Member States do not yet share a common understanding of the role of the EU and NATO in European defence. The EU could align the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), incorporated in the Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), more closely with the objectives of NATO. This would be in line with the German idea of an inclusive EU defence policy. (author's abstract

High representative of the Union : the constrained agent of Europe’s foreign policy

This study argues that the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy is a constrained agent of Europe’s foreign policy. The 2009 Lisbon Treaty reform created the remodelled version of the High Representative of the Union as a potentially powerful agent to represent and coordinate Europe’s foreign policy. However, the analysis shows how and why the member states granted only limited discretion to the new foreign policy actor during the first years of the post’s existence. The aim of the study is to reveal the conditions of discretion of the High Representative. With the use of a principal-agent (PA) approach, the study shows that conflicting preferences of the member states, tight control mechanisms, as well as inadequate cooperation with the European Commission limited the High Representative’s room for manoeuvre. The findings suggest that the PA approach can be developed further in the future in order to better explain limited discretion of agents in matters of foreign policy. Based on the findings, the study also puts forward a number of characteristics of a ‘constrained agent’. It is suggested that the post of High Representative has the potential to emancipate from its status of a constrained agent over time, and to gain credibility as a foreign policy actor

Neue Aufgaben für die Zusammenarbeit zwischen EU und NATO: eine inklusive EU-Verteidigungspolitik setzt eine enge Kooperation mit der NATO voraus

Die schwierigen Beziehungen zu Russland und die Instabilität des südlichen Mittelmeerraums haben die EU und die Nato in den vergangenen Jahren gleichermaßen vor neue Aufgaben gestellt. Beide fokussieren sich stärker auf die Abwehr von hybriden Bedrohungen, die territoriale Verteidigung und die Terrorismusbekämpfung. Im Zuge dieser Entwicklung haben die EU und die Nato ihre Zusammenarbeit auf Mitarbeiterebene vertieft, ohne jedoch ihre grundsätzlichen politischen und strategischen Zielsetzungen in Einklang zu bringen. Bisher haben die EU-Mitgliedstaaten keine einheitliche Auffassung zur Rolle der EU und der Nato in der europäischen Verteidigung. Die EU könnte die Ständige Strukturierte Zusammenarbeit (PESCO) in der Gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GSVP) enger an den Zielen der Nato ausrichten. Dies würde der deutschen Idee einer inklusiven EU-Verteidigungspolitik entgegenkommen

Europe Facing Geoeconomics : Assessing Finland’s and the EU’s Risks and Options in the Technological Rivalry

The geoeconomic rivalry is accelerating with the world’s major powers using economic instruments to advance strategic agendas. This poses a challenge to the EU and its member states. The EU’s market-oriented approach to international economic engagement exposes it to risks arising from the geoeconomic power politics of other major powers. These risks are especially acute in the technological domain where Europe’s competitiveness has been decreasing and its strategic dependencies on China and the United States growing. This report examines the risks and options for the EU and one of its member states – Finland – in adapting to the rise of geoeconomics. The report shows how the risk picture for European businesses are undergoing change, highlighting the need to incorporate geoeconomic dynamics into existing risk assessments. It also surveys emerging EU and Finnish policy instruments for managing strategic interdependencies and associated risks. The report gathers in-depth data on European and Finnish interdependencies with China and the United States, taking stock of critical strengths and vulnerabilities. Key policy recommendations following from this analysis focus on 1) introducing national geoeconomic risk assessments; 2) increasing strategic coordination of technological governance; 3) promoting trade cooperation; and 4) ensuring a level playing field for European companies.This publication is part of the implementation of the Government Plan for Analysis, Assessment and Research. (tietokayttoon.fi) The content is the responsibility of the producers of the information and does not necessarily represent the view of the Government

Germany in European Diplomacy: Minilateralism as a Tool for Leadership

While Germany is a proponent of a strong Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU), Berlin has been part of a number of minilateral diplomatic initiatives in recent decades which seemingly side-lined EU diplomatic actors. This article illustrates how Germany uses minilateral formats as a means to exercise leadership in international diplomacy. The German engagement in minilateral diplomatic initiatives coincides with an increased focus on its structural - mostly economic - power. Nevertheless, Germany's institutional power - partly based on an extensive network between government and bureaucratic actors - remained crucial in order to create consensus and acceptance for the minilateral diplomacy within the EU. Hence, minilateral diplomatic initiatives allow Germany to reconcile its long-standing preference for a strong CFSP with the growing expectations to engage more actively in international relations. Three case studies on the Western Balkan Contact Group, the Iran nuclear negotiations, and the Normandy format during the Ukraine conflict provide the empirical material for the analysis

The New EU Foreign Policy Architecture: Reviewing the first two years of the EEAS. CEPS Paperbacks. February 2013

This CEPS book examines two interrelated questions: 1) How has the European External Action Service (EEAS) functioned in the EU institutional architecture in the first two years of its existence? 2) What improvements can be made through the 2013 review and the 2014 revision of the EEAS’ mandate? The study contributes to the current debate through an in-depth examination of the EEAS’ relations with the EU member states, the European Commission, the European Parliament and its Delegations. The analysis is complemented by in-depth interviews conducted with senior officials from the relevant institutions. The authors put forward specific recommendations, organised around three basic roles that the EEAS plays in the EU’s external relations: a) leader, b) coordinator and c) information hub

Sharpening EU sanctions policy for a geopolitical era

The European Union (EU) increasingly uses sanctions in order to respond to breaches of international norms and adverse security developments in its neighbourhood and beyond. This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state of EU sanctions and discusses options on how to maintain them as an effective tool. The study identifies the withdrawal of the UK as one of main architects of the instrument and an increasingly unilateral and unpredictable US sanctions policy as key challenges. In addition, the EU’s machinery for planning, deciding, implementing and enforcing sanctions exposes vulnerabilities in an increasingly geopolitical environment. The current shifts in international relations constitute an opportunity to clarify the strategic nature of EU sanctions and to fine-tune the sanctions machinery. EU unity and a joint diplomatic approach to international crises are vital for the success of the policy tool. Consequently, the efforts to improve the instrument need to ensure member states’ ownership of EU sanctions policy. Our economic analysis of Russia sanctions and countermeasures reveals rather minor macroeconomic repercussions for the EU and Finnish economy. The efforts to sharpen EU sanctions policy is important for Finland as one of the smaller and export oriented countries in the EU given the increasingly turbulent world marked by geopolitical competition.This publication is part of the implementation of the Government Plan for Analysis, Assessment and Research (tietokayttoon.fi). The content is the responsibility of the producers of the information and does not necessarily represent the view of the Government