National identity in the context of ethnic cleansing and settler-colonialism. The case of Palestine

The Palestinian Authority was formed at the height of the neo-liberalism under the supremacy of a settler colonial repressive regime to dominated internally by Palestinian financial, and estate capital. The split between Fatah and Hamas heightened the vulnerability of the wide majority of Palestinians who have to face not only high rates of unemployment and poverty, but also an ongoing military repressive occupation and aggressive Jewish settlers. In the Gaza Strip Palestinians live under a suffocating siege and a ghetto situation. Both Fatah and Hamas endorsed neo-liberal policies, and both fostered a relatively large salaried middle class. The fragmentation of a weakened Left deprived Palestinians in the two territories of an alternative political vision and a strategy of struggle to that presented by the major two political parties in these areas. However, statelessness, neo-liberalism, fragmentation and settler-colonialism pose an existential threat to all Palestinians. With no political future on the horizon under continued settler colonial occupation, the situation is increasingly getting explosive as Palestinians have nothing to lose.L'Autorità palestinese è stata formata al culmine del neoliberalismo sotto la supremazia di un regime repressivo coloniale per dominare internamente il capitale finanziario e immobiliare palestinese. La scissione tra Fatah e Hamas ha aumentato la vulnerabilità della grande maggioranza dei palestinesi che devono affrontare non solo alti tassi di disoccupazione e povertà, ma anche un'occupazione militare repressiva in corso e coloni ebrei aggressivi. Nella Striscia di Gaza i palestinesi vivono sotto un assedio soffocante e una situazione da ghetto. Sia Fatah che Hamas hanno approvato politiche neo-liberali, ed entrambi hanno favorito una classe media salariata relativamente ampia. La frammentazione di una sinistra indebolita ha privato i palestinesi dei due territori di una visione politica alternativa e di una strategia di lotta a quella presentata dai due principali partiti politici di queste zone. Tuttavia, l'apolidia, il neoliberismo, la frammentazione e il colonialismo rappresentano una minaccia esistenziale per tutti i palestinesi. Senza alcun futuro politico all'orizzonte sotto la continua occupazione coloniale dei coloni, la situazione diventa sempre più esplosiva poiché i palestinesi non hanno nulla da perdere

Family, marriage and social change in some Libyan villages.

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Unicameral bone cysts: Current concepts

Unicameral bone cysts (UBC) or simple/solitary bone cysts are benign fluid filled cavities that enlarge over time, resulting in thinning of the bone. Usually these cysts are reported in the metaphyseal areas of long bones with open physes. 85% of UBCs occur almost exclusively in children and adolescents. UBCs are more aggressive in the first decade of life and correspondingly the recurrence rate for these patients is four times that for adolescents. The proximal humerus and femur account for almost 90% of these cases. UBCs are classified as active when they are within 1 cm of the physis and latent as they progress to a diaphyseal location. Differential diagnoses for UBC include aneurysmal bone cyst, fibrous dysplasia, enchondroma, and intraosseous ganglia. By the time of skeletal maturity most UBCs tend to resolve. Nonoperative treatment may be a viable option for many patients with small or symptomatic lesions. Interventions include steroid injection, open curettage and bone grafting, decompression and percutaneous injection of marrow or graft substitutes

Impact of opioid-free analgesia on pain severity and patient satisfaction after discharge from surgery: multispecialty, prospective cohort study in 25 countries

Background: Balancing opioid stewardship and the need for adequate analgesia following discharge after surgery is challenging. This study aimed to compare the outcomes for patients discharged with opioid versus opioid-free analgesia after common surgical procedures.Methods: This international, multicentre, prospective cohort study collected data from patients undergoing common acute and elective general surgical, urological, gynaecological, and orthopaedic procedures. The primary outcomes were patient-reported time in severe pain measured on a numerical analogue scale from 0 to 100% and patient-reported satisfaction with pain relief during the first week following discharge. Data were collected by in-hospital chart review and patient telephone interview 1 week after discharge.Results: The study recruited 4273 patients from 144 centres in 25 countries; 1311 patients (30.7%) were prescribed opioid analgesia at discharge. Patients reported being in severe pain for 10 (i.q.r. 1-30)% of the first week after discharge and rated satisfaction with analgesia as 90 (i.q.r. 80-100) of 100. After adjustment for confounders, opioid analgesia on discharge was independently associated with increased pain severity (risk ratio 1.52, 95% c.i. 1.31 to 1.76; P < 0.001) and re-presentation to healthcare providers owing to side-effects of medication (OR 2.38, 95% c.i. 1.36 to 4.17; P = 0.004), but not with satisfaction with analgesia (beta coefficient 0.92, 95% c.i. -1.52 to 3.36; P = 0.468) compared with opioid-free analgesia. Although opioid prescribing varied greatly between high-income and low- and middle-income countries, patient-reported outcomes did not.Conclusion: Opioid analgesia prescription on surgical discharge is associated with a higher risk of re-presentation owing to side-effects of medication and increased patient-reported pain, but not with changes in patient-reported satisfaction. Opioid-free discharge analgesia should be adopted routinely

Assessing the Impact of Migration on Palestinian Society in the West Bank and Gaza

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM)European Commission, EuropeAid Cooperation Office, RSCA

Relations between Palestinian Diaspora (al-shatat), Palestinian Communities in the West Bank, and Gaza Strip

The following paper addresses the issue concerning relations between the Palestinian diasporas (al-shatat) and Palestinian society in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, within the historical context in which diasporas were formed (ethnic cleansing, military colonial occupation, statelessness, etc). It situates relations between the shatat communities and communities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip within their regional and international socio-economic and power relations. The paper formulates preliminary hypotheseis on the political, economic and cultural impact of relations of the diaspora and immigrant communities on the home society