The world crisis: global financial governance: principles of reform

It is now increasingly acknowledged that complex global processes, from the financial to the ecological, connect the fate of communities across the world. Yet the problem-solving capacity of the existing system of global institutions is in many areas not effective, accountable, or fast enough to resolve current global dilemmas. What has recently been called the paradox of our times refers to the fact that the collective issues we must grapple with are of growing extensity and intensity, and yet the means for addressing them are weak and incomplete.1 There are a variety of reasons for the persistence of these problems, but at the most basic level the persistence of this paradox remains an issue of governance. One significant problem in this regard is that a growing number of issues span both the domestic and the international domains. The institutional fragmentation and competition between states can lead to these global issues being addressed in an ad hoc and dissonant manner. A second problem is that even when the global dimension of a problem is acknowledged, there is no clear division of labour among the myriad of international institutions that seek to address them: their functions often overlap, their mandates conflict, and their objectives often become blurred. A third problem is that the existing system of global governance suffers from severe deficits of accountability and inclusion. This problem is especially relevant in regard to how less economically powerful states and, hence, their entire populations, are marginalised or excluded from decisionmaking. This paper describes the current global economic crisis as intimately related to a problem of governance, and articulates simple principles by which the reform of governance can be guided. Increased accountability through participatory reform, we argue, helps to underwrite effectiveness

Transgenic expression of the Ly49A natural killer cell receptor confers class I major histocompatibility complex (MHC)-specific inhibition and prevents bone marrow allograft rejection.

Natural killer (NK) cells and some T cells are endowed with receptors specific for class I major histocompatibility complex (MHC) molecules that can inhibit cellular effector functions. The function of the Ly49 receptor family has been studied in vitro, but no gene transfer experiments have directly established the role of these receptors in NK cell functions. We show here that transgenic expression of the H-2Dd-specific Ly49A receptor in all NK cells and T cells conferred class I-specific inhibition of NK cell-mediated target cell lysis as well as of T cell proliferation. Furthermore, transgene expression prevented NK cell-mediated rejection of allogeneic H-2d bone marrow grafts by irradiated mice. These results demonstrate the function and specificity of Ly49 receptors in vivo, and establish that their subset-specific expression is necessary for the discrimination of MHC-different cells by NK cells in unmanipulated mice

LOS PRINCIPIOS DEL ORDEN COSMOPOLITA

Cosmopolitanism is concerned to disclose the ethical, cultural and legal basis of political order in a world where political communities and states matter, but not only and exclusively. In circumstances where the trajectories of each and every country are tightly entwined, the partiality, one sidedness and limitedness of ‘reasons of state’ need to be recognized. While states are hugely important vehicles to aid the delivery of effective public recognition, equal liberty and social justice, they should not be thought of as ontologically privileged. They can be judged by how far they deliver these public goods and how far they fail; for the history of states is marked, of course, not just by phases of bad leadership and corruption but also by the most brutal episodes. A cosmopolitanism relevant to our global age must take this as a starting point, and build an ethically sound and politically robust conception of the proper basis of political community, and of the relations among communities.El cosmopolitismo es un concepto que trata de revelar la base jurídica, cultural y ética del orden político en un mundo en el que las comunidades políticas y los estados importan mucho, pero no única y exclusivamente. En unas circunstancias en las que las trayectorias de todos y cada uno de los países están entrelazadas, debe reconocerse la parcialidad y las limitaciones de las “razones de estado”. Si bien los estados son vehículos enormemente importantes a la hora de procurar el reconocimiento público efectivo, la libertad igual y la justicia social, no deberían considerarse privilegiados desde un punto de vista ontológico. Los estados pueden juzgarse por cómo procuran estos bienes públicos y hasta qué punto dejan de hacerlo, ya que la historia de los estados está marcada, sin duda, no sólo por épocas de mal liderazgo y de corrupción, sino también por los episodios más crueles. Un cosmopolitismo propio de nuestra era global debe asumir esto como su punto de partida y construir una concepción de la propia base de la comunidad política y de las relaciones entre esas comunidades que sea éticamente coherente y políticamente robusta

Elements of a theory of global governance

In the aftermath of the Second World War the international institutional breakthroughs that occurred provided the momentum for decades of sustained economic growth and geopolitical stability sufficient for the transformation of the world economy, the shift from the cold war to a multipolar order, and the rise of new communication and network societies. However, what worked then does not work as well now, as gridlock freezes problem-solving capacity in global governance. The search for pathways through and beyond gridlock is a hugely significant task – nationally and globally – if global governance is to be once again effective, responsive and fit for purpose. This article explores these issues and provides elements of a theory of global governance in order to begin to understand the challenges of the 21st century and how to surmount them