Arbeitszeitflexibilisierung als Beschäftigungspolitisches Instrument - Wirkungen und Grenzen Neuer Arbeitszeitpolitik

"Konzepte einer 'Neuen Arbeitszeitpolitik' treten mit dem doppelten Anspruch auf, durch eine Individualisierung von Arbeitszeitregelungen arbeitsmarktpolitische Probleme lösen und darüber hinaus zur Humanisierung der Arbeit beitragen zu können. Selektivität und Realisierungschancen flexibler Arbeitszeitregelungen wurden bislang hauptsächlich unter technologischen Gesichtspunkten diskutiert. Demgegenüber verfolgt dieser Beitrag die Absicht, den sozialen und institutionellen Verhältnissen Rechnung zu tragen, die im Zuge einer Arbeitszeitflexibilisierung wirksam sind. Zu diesem Zweck wird zunächst eine qualifikations- und organisationssoziologische Perspektive gewählt, die es erlaubt, zu begründen, in welchem Verhältnis Einsatz und Nutzung von Arbeitskräften mit den betrieblichen Organisationserfordernissen stehen. Daran anknüpfend wird gezeigt, wie sich die betriebliche Nutzung von Arbeitskräften auf die Arbeitszeitstruktur auswirkt. Es lassen sich zwei Typen herauskristallisieren, die in einem Entsprechungsverhältnis zur betrieblichen Hierarchie stehen: Im unteren Statusbereich dominieren starre Zeitnormierungen, die einen kontorllierenden Zugriff auf die Arbeitsvorgänge ermöglichen. Vornehmlich im oberen Bereich der Betriebshierarchie sind flexible, selbstbestimmte Muster der Zeitverwendung verbreitet, die mit der Loyalität und Identifikation der hier Beschäftigten mit dem Organisationsziel korrespondieren. Wir interpretieren diesen Befund als betrieblich-organisatorische Formen der Lösung arbeitswirtschaftlicher Probleme, nämlich als Strategien der Externalisierung des Nutzungsrisikos von Arbeitsvermögen im unteren Statusbereich und dessen Internalisierung im oberen Bereich. Im darauffolgenden Schritt diskutieren wir einige Varianten der Arbeitszeitflexibilisierung auf ihre Ausformung hin, die sie aufgrund dieser arbeitswirtschaftlicher Strategien erfahren. Ergebnis dieser Diskussion ist die Wahrscheinlichkeit einer stark selektiven Wirkung der Arbeitszeitflexibilisierung. Diesen kontraintentionalen Effekt erwarten wir primär aufgrund der Zuordnung vornehmlich chronologisch flexibler Arbeitszeitvarianten zu höheren Statuspositionen und chronometrische Varianten zum Bereich restriktiver, konjunkturempfindlicher Arbeitsplätze. Daraus folgt ferner eine in der zeitlichen Dimension stärker als bisher wirksame Zuordnung bestimmter Arbeitskräftegruppen zu den betriebsinternen bzw. zu den überbetrieblichen Arbeitsmärkten. Darüber hinaus erwarten wir primär in den unteren Statusgruppen neben einem Schutzverlust eine Verdichtung der Arbeit. Diese negativen Folgelasten lassen sich um so schwieriger abbauen, als mit der Verbreitung der Arbeitszeitflexibilisierung auch die Individualisierung von Arbeitszeitvereinbarungen verbunden ist. Die Verlagerung von Arbeitszeitregelungen von der tariflichen auf die betriebliche Ebene macht eine staatliche und/oder gewerkschaftliche Schutzpolitik unter den gegebenen institutionellen Voraussetzungen der Interessenvertretung abhängig Beschäftigter nahezu unmöglich. Sollen die Vorzüge von flexiblen Arbeitszeitregelungen daher nicht vollständig preisgegeben werden, bedarf es neuer Formen der staatlichen, tariflichen und innerbetrieblichen Konfliktregelung in diesem Betrieb."Arbeitszeitpolitik, Arbeitszeitflexibilität, Beschäftigung, Betrieb - Organisation

Kinstate intervention in ethnic conflicts : Albania and Turkey compared

Albania and Turkey did not act in overtly irredentist ways towards their ethnic brethren in neighboring states after the end of communism. Why, nonetheless, did Albania facilitate the increase of ethnic conflict in Kosovo and Macedonia, while Turkey did not, with respect to the Turks of Bulgaria? I argue that kin-states undergoing transition are more prone to intervene in external conflicts than states that are not, regardless of the salience of minority demands in the host-state. The transition weakens the institutions of the kin-state. Experiencing limited institutional constraints, self-seeking state officials create alliances with secessionist and autonomist movements across borders alongside their own ideological, clan-based and particularistic interests. Such alliances are often utilized to advance radical domestic agendas. Unlike in Albania's transition environment, in Turkey there were no emerging elites that could potentially form alliances and use external movements to legitimize their own domestic existence or claims

House price Keynesianism and the contradictions of the modern investor subject

This article conceptualises the marked downturn in UK house prices in the 2007-2009 period in relation to longer-term processes of national economic restructuring centred on a new model of homeownership. The structure of UK house prices has been impacted markedly by the Labour Government‟s efforts to ingrain a particular notion of financial literacy amid the move towards an increasingly asset-based system of welfare. New model welfare recipients and new model homeowners have thereby been co-constituted in a manner consistent with a new UK growth regime of „house price Keynesianism‟. However, the investor subjects who drive such growth are necessarily rendered uncertain as compared with the idealised image of Government policy because of their reliance on the credit-creating decisions of private financial institutions. The recent steep decline in UK house prices is explained here as an epiphenomenon of the disruptive effect on the idealised image caused by the dependence of investor subjects on pricing dynamics not of their making

Together forever? Explaining exclusivity in party-firm relations

Parties and firms are the key actors of representative democracy and capitalism respectively and the dynamic of attachment between them is a central feature of any political economy. This is the first article to systematically analyse the exclusivity of party-firm relations. We consider exclusivity at a point in time and exclusivity over time. Does a firm have a relationship with only one party at a given point in time, or is it close to more than one party? Does a firm maintain a relationship with only one party over time, or does it switch between parties? Most important, how do patterns of exclusivity impact on a firm’s ability to lobby successfully? We propose a general theory, which explains patterns of party-firm relations by reference to the division of institutions and the type of party competition in a political system. A preliminary test of our theory with Polish survey data confirms our predictions, establishing a promising hypothesis for future research

Anarcho-Environmentalists: Ascetics of Late Modernity

This article explores experiences of environmental activism from the viewpoint of members of a radical environment group. It is based on data collected during eight months of participant observation and through semistructured interviews with ten core members and two ex-members. Working on personal feelings, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors (self-work) was central to the strategy for social change employed by this group. Drawing on Weber's sociology of religion, this article explores the way the high expectation the activists had of themselves matched Weber's typification of the rationally active ascetic. It is argued that asceticism is an enduring element of Western culture that takes different forms in response to historical conditions. In this case, we see a form of secular asceticism that responds to the conditions of late modernity

Psychopolitics: Peter Sedgwick’s legacy for mental health movements

This paper re-considers the relevance of Peter Sedgwick's Psychopolitics (1982) for a politics of mental health. Psychopolitics offered an indictment of ‘anti-psychiatry’ the failure of which, Sedgwick argued, lay in its deconstruction of the category of ‘mental illness’, a gesture that resulted in a politics of nihilism. ‘The radical who is only a radical nihilist’, Sedgwick observed, ‘is for all practical purposes the most adamant of conservatives’. Sedgwick argued, rather, that the concept of ‘mental illness’ could be a truly critical concept if it was deployed ‘to make demands upon the health service facilities of the society in which we live’. The paper contextualizes Psychopolitics within the ‘crisis tendencies’ of its time, surveying the shifting welfare landscape of the subsequent 25 years alongside Sedgwick's continuing relevance. It considers the dilemma that the discourse of ‘mental illness’ – Sedgwick's critical concept – has fallen out of favour with radical mental health movements yet remains paradigmatic within psychiatry itself. Finally, the paper endorses a contemporary perspective that, while necessarily updating Psychopolitics, remains nonetheless ‘Sedgwickian’

Beyond critique: the value of co-production in realising just cities?

This paper contributes to the burgeoning literature on the role of academic–practice relationships in contributing to sustainable urban development. We argue that co-production offers a potential pathway for academics to work with policy-makers in moving towards the realisation of more just cities. The paper starts from the position that there is an essential need for, but limit to, critique alone in contributing to the possibility of urban change. Moving towards a shared critique as a basis for future action is an important precondition for realising more just cities, adding weight to the voices arguing for alternative urban visions. These arguments are advanced through a study conducted by academic researchers and policy-makers in the Greater Manchester Low Carbon Hub. The paper outlines a process for working with existing urban institutions within institutional constraints to develop affirmative actions with the aim of longer term transformations. A key contribution is then the identification of eight markers for assessing progress towards the realisation of more just cities

The troubling concept of class: reflecting on our ‘failure’ to encourage sociology students to re-cognise their classed locations using autobiographical methods

The troubling concept of class: reflecting on our ‘failure’ to encourage sociology students to re-cognise their classed locations using autobiographical methods Abstract This paper provides a narrative of the four authors‟ commitment to auto/biographical methods as teachers and researchers in „new‟ universities. As they went about their work, they observed that, whereas students engage with the gendered, sexualised and racialised processes when negotiating their identities, they are reluctant or unable to conceptualise „class-ifying‟ processes as key determinants of their life chances. This general inability puzzled the authors, given the students‟ predominantly working-class backgrounds. Through application of their own stories, the authors explore the sociological significance of this pedagogical „failure‟ to account for the troubling concept of class not only in the classroom but also in contemporary society

Queer activism in Taiwan: an emergent rainbow coalition from the assemblage perspective

A social movement for sexual and gender minorities (the Movement) emerged in Taiwan around the 1990s after the abolition of martial law in 1987. This article, drawing on Deleuze’s assemblage theory, looks at how activists negotiate and compete over constructing the discourses of sexual rights and citizenship in a context of democratic transition. With the recent ‘Renaissance’ of conservatism, which combines Confucianism and Christianity, the Movement has been thus de- and reterritorialised in response, and such a process has brought to the fore a rainbow coalition – a larger composition of assemblage rather than simply a descriptor. Gaining greater leverage and influence on society, the coalition, based on the pursuit of self-determination and self-liberation, has inversely provided soil for a cosmopolitan identity of Taiwaneseness to grow

Democracy in trade unions, democracy through trade unions?

Since the Webbs published Industrial Democracy at the end of the nineteenth century, the principle that workers have a legitimate voice in decision-making in the world of work – in some versions through trade unions, in others at least formally through separate representative structures – has become widely accepted in most west European countries. There is now a vast literature on the strengths and weaknesses of such mechanisms, and we review briefly some of the key interpretations of the rise (and fall) of policies and structures for workplace and board-level representation. We also discuss the mainly failed attempts to establish broader processes of economic democracy, which the eclipse of nationally specific mechanisms of class compromise makes again a salient demand. Economic globalization also highlights the need for transnational mechanisms to achieve worker voice (or more radically, control) in the dynamics of capital-labour relations. We therefore examine the role of trade unions in coordinating pressure for a countervailing force at European and global levels, and in the construction of (emergent?) supranational industrial relations. However, many would argue that unions cannot win legitimacy as democratizing force unless manifestly democratic internally. We therefore revisit debates on and dilemmas of democracy within trade unions, and examine recent initiatives to enhance democratization