A cosmopolitan temptation

For some, the transnationalization of political action and communicative space in the European Union heralds an emergent cosmopolitan order. Need that be so? There are supranational institutions in the EU as well as transnational political and cultural spaces and cross-border communicative flows. However, the Union's member states remain key controllers of citizenship rights and purveyors of collective identities. And for many purposes they still maintain strongly bounded national public spheres. Because the EU's overall character as a polity remains unresolved, this has consequences for the organization of communicative spaces. The EU is a field of tensions and contradictions that is inescapably rooted in institutional realities. Wishful thinking about cosmopolitanism can get in the way of clear analysis

Homophily and Contagion Are Generically Confounded in Observational Social Network Studies

We consider processes on social networks that can potentially involve three factors: homophily, or the formation of social ties due to matching individual traits; social contagion, also known as social influence; and the causal effect of an individual's covariates on their behavior or other measurable responses. We show that, generically, all of these are confounded with each other. Distinguishing them from one another requires strong assumptions on the parametrization of the social process or on the adequacy of the covariates used (or both). In particular we demonstrate, with simple examples, that asymmetries in regression coefficients cannot identify causal effects, and that very simple models of imitation (a form of social contagion) can produce substantial correlations between an individual's enduring traits and their choices, even when there is no intrinsic affinity between them. We also suggest some possible constructive responses to these results.Comment: 27 pages, 9 figures. V2: Revised in response to referees. V3: Ditt

Die Zukunft der bezahlten und unbezahlten Arbeit: drei Szenarien

Die in diesem Diskussionspapier zusammengefassten Beiträge von Carsten Stahmer (Halbtagsgesellschaft: konkrete Utopie für eine zukunftsfähige Grundsicherung), Ronald Schettkat (Dienstleistungen zwischen Eigenarbeit und Professionalisierung) und Gerhard Scherhorn (Demokratisierung des Wohlstands) beruhen auf einer Reihe von Veranstaltungen im Rahmen des Wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Kolloquiums des Wuppertal Instituts. In dieser von Ronald Schettkat im Jahr 2007 organisierten Seminarreihe wurden am Wuppertal Institut ausgewählte Fragestellungen im Spannungsfeld von Wirtschaftswachstum und Nachhaltiger Entwicklung diskutiert. Mit der Präsentation seines Konzeptes einer Halbtagsgesellschaft, die einen radikalen Bruch mit konventionellen Arbeitsarrangements und eine drastische Ausweitung informeller Versorgungssysteme (informelle Arbeit, räumliche Substitution, Zeittauschringe) vorsieht, hatte Carsten Stahmer einen Stein ins Wasser geworfen. Die drei hier skizzierten Szenarien machen deutlich, dass verschiedene Zukünfte der Arbeit vorstellbar sind. Sie sind von unterschiedlichen Wertvorstellungen geprägt und mit verschiedenartigen Gestaltungsansätzen verbunden. Gesellschaft und Politik sind aufgerufen zu diskutieren, welche Entwicklungsrichtung wahrscheinlicher und welche zukunftsfähiger erscheint. Dazu wollen die drei Beiträge Impulse setzen. -- This discussion paper outlines articles from Carsten Stahmer (Halbtagsgesellschaft: konkrete Utopie für eine zukunftsfähige Grundsicherung / Part-time society: concrete utopia for a sustainable provision of basic social security), Ronald Schettkatt (Dienstleistungen zwischen Eigenarbeit und Professionalisierung / Supply of services between one's own work and professionalising) and Gerhard Scherhorn (Demokratisierung des Wohlstands / Democratisation of wealth), which are based on a series of events organised in the context of the Wuppertal Institute's scientific colloquium on economics. The lecture series organised by Ronald Schettkat at the Wuppertal Institute in 2007 dealt with discussions about selected questions in the conflicting fields of economic growth and sustainable development. The three scenarios, presented in this paper, demonstrate the possibility of different future work models. They are based on different moral concepts and on diverse conceptual approaches and want to give an impetus to society and policy to discuss which of the trends seems more likely and which of them seems more sustainable.

The Cold Peace: Russo-Western Relations as a Mimetic Cold War

In 1989–1991 the geo-ideological contestation between two blocs was swept away, together with the ideology of civil war and its concomitant Cold War played out on the larger stage. Paradoxically, while the domestic sources of Cold War confrontation have been transcended, its external manifestations remain in the form of a ‘legacy’ geopolitical contest between the dominant hegemonic power (the United States) and a number of potential rising great powers, of which Russia is one. The post-revolutionary era is thus one of a ‘cold peace’. A cold peace is a mimetic cold war. In other words, while a cold war accepts the logic of conflict in the international system and between certain protagonists in particular, a cold peace reproduces the behavioural patterns of a cold war but suppresses acceptance of the logic of behaviour. A cold peace is accompanied by a singular stress on notions of victimhood for some and undigested and bitter victory for others. The perceived victim status of one set of actors provides the seedbed for renewed conflict, while the ‘victory’ of the others cannot be consolidated in some sort of relatively unchallenged post-conflict order. The ‘universalism’ of the victors is now challenged by Russia's neo-revisionist policy, including not so much the defence of Westphalian notions of sovereignty but the espousal of an international system with room for multiple systems (the Schmittean pluriverse)

‘Dominant ethnicity’ and the ‘ethnic-civic’ dichotomy in the work of A. D. Smith

This article considers the way in which the work of Anthony Smith has helped to structure debates surrounding the role of ethnicity in present-day nations. Two major lines of enquiry are evident here. First, the contemporary role of dominant ethnic groups within 'their' nations and second, the interplay between ethnic and civic elements in nationalist argument. The two processes are related, but maintain elements of distinctiveness. Smith's major contribution to the dominant ethnicity debate has been to disembed ethnicity from the ideologically-charged and/or anglo-centric discourse of ethnic relations and to place it in historical context, thereby opening up space for dominant group ethnicity to be considered as a distinct phenomenon. This said, Smith's work does not adequately account for the vicissitudes of dominant ethnicity in the contemporary West. Building on the classical works of Hans Kohn and Friedrich Meinecke, Anthony Smith has also made a seminal contribution to the debate on civic and ethnic forms of national identity and nationalist ideology. As well as freeing this debate from the strong normative overtones which it has often carried, he has continued to insist that the terms civic and ethnic should be treated as an ideal-typical distinction rather than a scheme of classification

The United Kingdom and British Empire: A Figurational Approach

Drawing upon the work of Norbert Elias and the process [figurational] sociology perspective, this article examines how state formation processes are related to, and, affected by, expanding and declining chains of international interdependence. In contrast to civic and ethnic conceptions, this approach focuses on the emergence of the nation/nation-state as grounded in broader processes of historical and social development. In doing so, state formation processes within the United Kingdom are related to the expansion and decline of the British Empire. That is, by focusing on the functional dynamics that are embedded in collective groups, one is able to consider how the UK’s ‘state’ and ‘imperial’ figurations were interdependently related to changes in both the UK and the former British Empire. Consequently, by locating contemporary UK relations in the historical context of former imperial relationships, nationalism studies can go ‘beyond’ the nation/nation-state in order to include broader processes of imperial expansion and decline. Here, the relationship between empire and nationalism can offer a valuable insight into contemporary political movements, especially within former imperial groups

The political role of service delivery in state-building: Exploring the relevance of European history for developing countries

Concerns about failed and fragile states have put state- and nation-building firmly on the academic and policy agenda, but the crucial role of public services in this process has remained underexplored. The 1960s and '70s generated a substantial set of literature that is largely missing from current writing. It identified state penetration, standardisation and accommodation as key processes in the state- and nation-building sequence. This article analyses these three processes in Western Europe in the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, and the role of public services therein, to explore how they may help us to understand the success and failure of state- and nation-building in developing countries and fragile states. © The Authors 2011. Development Policy Revie

The politics and aesthetics of commemoration: national days in southern Africa

The contributions to the special section in this issue study recent independence celebrations and other national days in South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Madagascar and the Democratic Republic of Congo. They explore the role of national days in state-making and nation-building, and examine the performativity of nationalism and the role of performances in national festivities. Placing the case studies in a broader, comparative perspective, the introduction first discusses the role of the state in national celebrations, highlighting three themes: firstly, the political power-play and contested politics of memory involved in the creation of a country’s festive calendar; secondly, the relationship between state control of national days and civic or popular participation or contestation; and thirdly, the complex relationship between regional and ethnic loyalties and national identifications. It then turns to the role of performance and aesthetics in the making of nations in general, and in national celebrations in particular. Finally, we look at the different formats and meanings of national days in the region and address the question whether there is anything specific about national days in southern Africa as compared to other parts of the continent or national celebrations world-wide.Web of Scienc