Le contrôle juridictionnel des mesures de police en droit administratif camerounais

De l’avis général, la libéralisation de la vie politique en Afrique au début des années 1990 s’est caractérisée, au Cameroun en particulier, par la mise en place progressive d’un dispositif législatif et institutionnel qui prend mieux en compte les libertés publiques. Le présent article vise à questionner ce postulat et à déterminer jusqu’à quel degré il est vérifié. À ce titre, s’il est évident que le législateur camerounais a, dès le début de la décennie 1990 institué un cadre institutionnel mieux adapté pour la garantie des libertés publiques face aux pouvoirs de police de l’administration, il reste que la conciliation entre l’ordre public et les libertés se fait encore, de nos jours, au détriment de celles-ci. Ce déséquilibre se manifeste aussi bien à travers le caractère mitigé de l’encadrement législatif du contrôle du juge que dans les choix jurisprudentiels du juge. Sur l’encadrement législatif du contrôle, une double tendance se dégage. D’une part, la rédaction souvent tatillonne des textes laisse peu de lisibilité sur la juridiction compétente pour connaître des actes de police dans certaines matières précises, ce qui débouche sur un conflit de compétence qui lui-même est susceptible d’aboutir à un déni de justice. D’autre part, on note une libéralisation progressive de la procédure contentieuse en matière de mesures de police qui se caractérise aussi bien par la levée partielle de l’immunité provisoire des mesures de police et l’institution de certaines garanties procédurales propres à assurer l’efficacité du contrôle du juge. Quant aux choix jurisprudentiels, ils témoignent de la réticence du juge de procéder à un contrôle étendu des mesures de police. Cette réalité se traduit par l’insuffisant contrôle des faits justifiant les mesures de police, qu’il s’agisse du contrôle de leur qualification juridique ou celui de leur matérialité, d’une part, et par le refus du contrôle du contenu des mesures de police, à savoir celui de leur opportunité et celui de leur proportionnalité, d’autre part.There is general agreement that the liberalization of political life in Africa in the early 1990s has been characterized, in Cameroon in particular, by the progressive establishment of a legislative and institutional framework that takes better account of public freedoms. The purpose of this article is to question this assumption and to determine to what extent it is verified. In this respect, while it is clear that the Cameroonian legislator has, since the beginning of the 1990s, instituted an institutional framework that is better suited to guaranteeing public liberties in the face of the police powers of the administration, the conciliation between public order and public liberties are still, to the detriment of the latter. This imbalance manifests itself both in the mitigated nature of the legislative framework for judicial review and in the judicial decisions of the judge. On the legislative framework of control, a twofold trend emerges. On the one hand, the often approximative wording of the laws leaves little legibility about the court competent to hear police acts in certain specific matters, which leads to a conflict of competence which is itself liable to result in a denial of justice. On the other hand, there is a gradual liberalization of the contentious procedure relating to public order measures, which is characterized both by the partial lifting of the provisional immunity of police measures, and by the introduction of certain procedural garantees to ensure effectiveness of judicial review. As for the judicial policy of the judge, they show the reluctance of the judge to carry out an extensive control of the police measures. This reality results in insufficient control of the facts justifying the police measures, whether the control of their legal characterization or that of their materiality, on the one hand, and the refusal to control the content of the measures, that is, the control of their appropriateness and that of their proportionality, on the other

L’exécutif dualiste dans les régimes politiques des États d’Afrique noire francophone

Le présent article dédié à l’Exécutif dualiste dans les États d’Afrique noire francophone est une contribution à l’étude des régimes politiques africains. L’intérêt d’un tel sujet se situe d’une part dans l’histoire constitutionnelle de ces États, témoin de la construction et de la déconstruction des régimes politiques, de l’ajustement de leur plastique ; et d’autre part dans la survenance des crises politiques ou sociales de plus ou moins grande envergure qui amènent à questionner les choix du constituant quant à l’exercice du pouvoir politique. Dans une perspective comparative inhérente à l’étude du droit constitutionnel, cet article emprunte une démarche à la fois diachronique et synchronique et propose l’examen des régimes politiques africains tant dans leur évolution historique que dans leur pratique actuelle. À ce titre, les auteurs observent que dès leur accession à la souveraineté, les États de l’Afrique noire francophone ont, pour la plupart opté pour le régime de type parlementaire moniste, avant de changer presque radicalement, fin années 60-début années 70, pour le régime présidentiel qui sera lui-même dévoyé en régime présidentialiste. Aussi, le nouveau constitutionnalisme des Etats africains amorcé au début des années 90, qui avait entre autres objectifs le rééquilibrage des rapports entre les pouvoirs de l’Etat ne réussira cet exercice que modestement, le constat étant par ailleurs loin d’être unanime à l’ensemble des Etats étudiés. Au demeurant, la théorie et la pratique constitutionnelles témoignent d’une double dynamique selon que l’Exécutif est étudié dans ses rapports internes ou dans ses rapports externes : l’Exécutif dualiste est, en Afrique noire francophone, hiérarchisé de l’intérieur et dominant de l’extérieur. Le caractère hiérarchisé de l’intérieur s’évalue à l’aune des relations des deux composantes de l’Exécutif que sont le président de la République et le Gouvernement, lesquelles relations présentent – malgré un développement progressif de contre-pouvoirs – une figure présidentielle dominatrice et un chef de Gouvernement considéré comme simple primus inter pares. Quant au caractère dominant de l’extérieur, il découle de l’analyse des relations de l’Exécutif avec les autres pouvoirs qui révèlent une balance qui penche en faveur de celui-là et laissent conclure à une incontestable primauté de l’Exécutif dans et pour l’Etat.This article dedicated to the Dualist Executive in French-speaking Black African States is a contribution to the study of African political regimes. The interest of such a subject lies on the one hand in the constitutional evolution of these states, witness of the construction and deconstruction of political regimes; and on the other hand in the occurrence of political or social crises of greater or lesser scope which may lead to questioning the choices of the constituent as to the exercise of political power. In a comparative perspective inherent in the study of constitutional law, this article borrows a process that is both diachronic and synchronic and proposes the examination of African political regimes both in their historical evolution and in their current practice. As such, the authors observe that, upon their accession to sovereignty, the states of French-speaking black Africa, for the most part opted for a monist parliamentary type regime, before changing almost radically, at the end of the 60s and early 70s, for the presidential regime which itself will be misused in a presidentialist regime. Thus, the new constitutionalism of African states initiated in the early 1990s, which had among other objectives the rebalancing of the relationship between the arms of the state will succeed this exercise only modestly. Moreover, constitutional theory and practice show a double dynamic depending on whether the Executive is studied in its internal relations or in its external relations: the dualist Executive is, in French-speaking black Africa, hierarchical from the inside and dominant from the outside. The inner hierarchical character is measured by the relations between the two components of the Executive, the President of the Republic and the Government, which, despite a progressive development of counter-powers, present a domineering presidential figure and a Head of Government considered as simple primus inter pares. As for the outer dominant character, it follows from the analysis of the relations of the Executive with the other arms of Government, which reveal an unbalanced character in favor of the former and leave the authors to conclude to an incontestable primacy of the Executive in and for the state

Revival of the magnetar PSR J1622-4950: observations with MeerKAT, Parkes, XMM-Newton, Swift, Chandra, and NuSTAR

New radio (MeerKAT and Parkes) and X-ray (XMM-Newton, Swift, Chandra, and NuSTAR) observations of PSR J1622-4950 indicate that the magnetar, in a quiescent state since at least early 2015, reactivated between 2017 March 19 and April 5. The radio flux density, while variable, is approximately 100x larger than during its dormant state. The X-ray flux one month after reactivation was at least 800x larger than during quiescence, and has been decaying exponentially on a 111+/-19 day timescale. This high-flux state, together with a radio-derived rotational ephemeris, enabled for the first time the detection of X-ray pulsations for this magnetar. At 5%, the 0.3-6 keV pulsed fraction is comparable to the smallest observed for magnetars. The overall pulsar geometry inferred from polarized radio emission appears to be broadly consistent with that determined 6-8 years earlier. However, rotating vector model fits suggest that we are now seeing radio emission from a different location in the magnetosphere than previously. This indicates a novel way in which radio emission from magnetars can differ from that of ordinary pulsars. The torque on the neutron star is varying rapidly and unsteadily, as is common for magnetars following outburst, having changed by a factor of 7 within six months of reactivation.Comment: Published in ApJ (2018 April 5); 13 pages, 4 figure

Preclinical characterization and target validation of the antimalarial pantothenamide MMV693183

Drug resistance and a dire lack of transmission-blocking antimalarials hamper malaria elimination. Here, we present the pantothenamide MMV693183 as a first-in-class acetyl-CoA synthetase (AcAS) inhibitor to enter preclinical development. Our studies demonstrate attractive drug-like properties and in vivo efficacy in a humanized mouse model of Plasmodium falciparum infection. The compound shows single digit nanomolar in vitro activity against P. falciparum and P. vivax clinical isolates, and potently blocks P. falciparum transmission to Anopheles mosquitoes. Genetic and biochemical studies identify AcAS as the target of the MMV693183-derived antimetabolite, CoA-MMV693183. Pharmacokinetic-pharmacodynamic modelling predict that a single 30 mg oral dose is sufficient to cure a malaria infection in humans. Toxicology studies in rats indicate a > 30-fold safety margin in relation to the predicted human efficacious exposure. In conclusion, MMV693183 represents a promising candidate for further (pre)clinical development with a novel mode of action for treatment of malaria and blocking transmission

The SARAO MeerKAT 1.3 GHz Galactic Plane Survey

We present the SARAO MeerKAT Galactic Plane Survey (SMGPS), a 1.3 GHz continuum survey of almost half of the Galactic Plane (251\deg $\le l \le$ 358\deg and 2\deg $\le l \le$ 61\deg at $|b| \le 1.5\deg$). SMGPS is the largest, most sensitive and highest angular resolution 1 GHz survey of the Plane yet carried out, with an angular resolution of 8" and a broadband RMS sensitivity of $\sim$10--20 $\mu$ Jy/beam. Here we describe the first publicly available data release from SMGPS which comprises data cubes of frequency-resolved images over 908--1656 MHz, power law fits to the images, and broadband zeroth moment integrated intensity images. A thorough assessment of the data quality and guidance for future usage of the data products are given. Finally, we discuss the tremendous potential of SMGPS by showcasing highlights of the Galactic and extragalactic science that it permits. These highlights include the discovery of a new population of non-thermal radio filaments; identification of new candidate supernova remnants, pulsar wind nebulae and planetary nebulae; improved radio/mid-IR classification of rare Luminous Blue Variables and discovery of associated extended radio nebulae; new radio stars identified by Bayesian cross-matching techniques; the realisation that many of the largest radio-quiet WISE HII region candidates are not true HII regions; and a large sample of previously undiscovered background HI galaxies in the Zone of Avoidance

Revival of the Magnetar PSR J1622-4950: Observations with MeerKAT, Parkes, XMM-Newton, Swift, Chandra, and NuSTAR

New radio (MeerKAT and Parkes) and X-ray (XMM-Newton, Swift, Chandra, and NuSTAR) observations of PSR J1622-4950 indicate that the magnetar, in a quiescent state since at least early 2015, reactivated between 2017 March 19 and April 5. The radio flux density, while variable, is approximately 100 larger than during its dormant state. The X-ray flux one month after reactivation was at least 800 larger than during quiescence, and has been decaying exponentially on a 111 19 day timescale. This high-flux state, together with a radio-derived rotational ephemeris, enabled for the first time the detection of X-ray pulsations for this magnetar. At 5%, the 0.3-6 keV pulsed fraction is comparable to the smallest observed for magnetars. The overall pulsar geometry inferred from polarized radio emission appears to be broadly consistent with that determined 6-8 years earlier. However, rotating vector model fits suggest that we are now seeing radio emission from a different location in the magnetosphere than previously. This indicates a novel way in which radio emission from magnetars can differ from that of ordinary pulsars. The torque on the neutron star is varying rapidly and unsteadily, as is common for magnetars following outburst, having changed by a factor of 7 within six months of reactivation

The SARAO MeerKAT 1.3 GHz Galactic Plane Survey

We present the SARAO MeerKAT Galactic Plane Survey (SMGPS), a 1.3 GHz continuum survey of almost half of the Galactic Plane (251○ ≤l ≤ 358○ and 2○ ≤l ≤ 61○ at |b| ≤ 1 5). SMGPS is the largest, most sensitive and highest angular resolution 1 GHz survey of the Plane yet carried out, with an angular resolution of 8″ and a broadband RMS sensitivity of ∼10–20 μJy beam−1. Here we describe the first publicly available data release from SMGPS which comprises data cubes of frequency-resolved images over 908–1656 MHz, power law fits to the images, and broadband zeroth moment integrated intensity images. A thorough assessment of the data quality and guidance for future usage of the data products are given. Finally, we discuss the tremendous potential of SMGPS by showcasing highlights of the Galactic and extragalactic science that it permits. These highlights include the discovery of a new population of non-thermal radio filaments; identification of new candidate supernova remnants, pulsar wind nebulae and planetary nebulae; improved radio/mid-IR classification of rare Luminous Blue Variables and discovery of associated extended radio nebulae; new radio stars identified by Bayesian cross-matching techniques; the realisation that many of the largest radio-quiet WISE H II region candidates are not true H II regions; and a large sample of previously undiscovered background H I galaxies in the Zone of Avoidance

The MeerKAT Galaxy Cluster Legacy Survey: I. Survey overview and highlights

Please abstract in the article.The South African Radio Astronomy Observatory (SARAO), the National Research Foundation (NRF), the National Radio Astronomy Observatory, US National Science Foundation, the South African Research Chairs Initiative of the DSI/NRF, the SARAO HCD programme, the South African Research Chairs Initiative of the Department of Science and Innovation.http://www.aanda.orghj2022Physic

Independent and combined effects of improved water, sanitation, and hygiene, and improved complementary feeding, on child stunting and anaemia in rural Zimbabwe: a cluster-randomised trial.

BACKGROUND: Child stunting reduces survival and impairs neurodevelopment. We tested the independent and combined effects of improved water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH), and improved infant and young child feeding (IYCF) on stunting and anaemia in in Zimbabwe. METHODS: We did a cluster-randomised, community-based, 2 × 2 factorial trial in two rural districts in Zimbabwe. Clusters were defined as the catchment area of between one and four village health workers employed by the Zimbabwe Ministry of Health and Child Care. Women were eligible for inclusion if they permanently lived in clusters and were confirmed pregnant. Clusters were randomly assigned (1:1:1:1) to standard of care (52 clusters), IYCF (20 g of a small-quantity lipid-based nutrient supplement per day from age 6 to 18 months plus complementary feeding counselling; 53 clusters), WASH (construction of a ventilated improved pit latrine, provision of two handwashing stations, liquid soap, chlorine, and play space plus hygiene counselling; 53 clusters), or IYCF plus WASH (53 clusters). A constrained randomisation technique was used to achieve balance across the groups for 14 variables related to geography, demography, water access, and community-level sanitation coverage. Masking of participants and fieldworkers was not possible. The primary outcomes were infant length-for-age Z score and haemoglobin concentrations at 18 months of age among children born to mothers who were HIV negative during pregnancy. These outcomes were analysed in the intention-to-treat population. We estimated the effects of the interventions by comparing the two IYCF groups with the two non-IYCF groups and the two WASH groups with the two non-WASH groups, except for outcomes that had an important statistical interaction between the interventions. This trial is registered with ClinicalTrials.gov, number NCT01824940. FINDINGS: Between Nov 22, 2012, and March 27, 2015, 5280 pregnant women were enrolled from 211 clusters. 3686 children born to HIV-negative mothers were assessed at age 18 months (884 in the standard of care group from 52 clusters, 893 in the IYCF group from 53 clusters, 918 in the WASH group from 53 clusters, and 991 in the IYCF plus WASH group from 51 clusters). In the IYCF intervention groups, the mean length-for-age Z score was 0·16 (95% CI 0·08-0·23) higher and the mean haemoglobin concentration was 2·03 g/L (1·28-2·79) higher than those in the non-IYCF intervention groups. The IYCF intervention reduced the number of stunted children from 620 (35%) of 1792 to 514 (27%) of 1879, and the number of children with anaemia from 245 (13·9%) of 1759 to 193 (10·5%) of 1845. The WASH intervention had no effect on either primary outcome. Neither intervention reduced the prevalence of diarrhoea at 12 or 18 months. No trial-related serious adverse events, and only three trial-related adverse events, were reported. INTERPRETATION: Household-level elementary WASH interventions implemented in rural areas in low-income countries are unlikely to reduce stunting or anaemia and might not reduce diarrhoea. Implementation of these WASH interventions in combination with IYCF interventions is unlikely to reduce stunting or anaemia more than implementation of IYCF alone. FUNDING: Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, UK Department for International Development, Wellcome Trust, Swiss Development Cooperation, UNICEF, and US National Institutes of Health.The SHINE trial is funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation (OPP1021542 and OPP113707); UK Department for International Development; Wellcome Trust, UK (093768/Z/10/Z, 108065/Z/15/Z and 203905/Z/16/Z); Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation; US National Institutes of Health (2R01HD060338-06); and UNICEF (PCA-2017-0002)

Heurs et malheurs du contentieux électoral en Afrique : étude comparée du droit électoral processuel africain

L’auteur appréhende dans le présent texte le contentieux électoral en Afrique dans toute sa complexité. Son propos se veut essentiellement comparatif avec, comme particularité, la prise en considération de toutes les aires géographiques et linguistiques ainsi que les traditions juridiques de l’Afrique. Son intérêt tient, d’une part, à l’aptitude du contentieux électoral à effectivement remplir son rôle dans un contexte où un certain nombre de facteurs font courir aux processus électoraux africains un risque élevé de crise sociale. Il se rattache, d’autre part, aux récentes évolutions politiques en Afrique, à l’instar des printemps arabes et des mouvements populaires dans certains pays de l’Afrique subsaharienne qui ont abouti à une redéfinition des règles de la compétition électorale. L’auteur s’intéresse à la fois aux cadres législatifs et aux choix jurisprudentiels, et il remet en question les truismes et les préjugés soit de l’amélioration, soit de la péjoration des contentieux électoraux en Afrique. Il parvient à la conclusion d’une efficacité mitigée et différenciée. D’abord, les mécanismes de gestion des différends électoraux n’offrent pas, dans tous les États, les mêmes garanties d’efficience et des niveaux identiques de satisfaction ou d’insatisfaction. Ensuite, malgré des avancées notables et indéniables, des motifs d’inquiétude demeurent quant à l’aptitude du juge électoral à remplir son rôle de gardien neutre de la démocratie en Afrique.This article describes electoral dispute mechanisms in Africa in all their complexity. It is primarily comparative, and its main feature is to consider all the geographic and linguistic areas and all the legal traditions in Africa. It is timely, because electoral dispute mechanisms can perform a key role in a context where a number of factors introduce a high risk of social crisis in electoral processes ; and also because of recent political developments in Africa triggered by the Arab Spring and widespread movements in certain North African countries, which have led to a redefinition of the rules for electoral competition. The article focuses simultaneously on legislative frameworks and legal choices, and questions the truisms and biases that suggest that electoral dispute mechanisms in Africa are either improving or deteriorating. It concludes that they are effective to varying degrees. First, they do not provide the same guarantee of effectiveness, or the same levels of satisfaction or dissatisfaction, in all jurisdictions. Second, despite some clear and undeniable progress, some concerns remain about the ability of electoral judges to play their role as the neutral custodians of democracy in Africa.Este artículo aborda el contencioso electoral africano en toda su complejidad. Pretende ser esencialmente comparativo, con la particularidad de tomar en cuenta todas las zonas geográficas, lingüísticas y tradiciones jurídicas africanas. Se interesa, por una parte, en la aptitud del contencioso electoral, que efectivamente debe cumplir con su rol en un contexto en el cual, un cierto número de factores, hacen correr a los procesos electorales africanos un elevado riesgo de crisis social. Por otro lado, se interesa en las recientes evoluciones políticas de África, como ha ocurrido con las primaveras árabes, y con los movimientos populares en algunos países del África subsahariana, y que han culminado con una redefinición de las reglas de la competencia electoral. Igualmente, el artículo se interesa en los marcos legislativos y en las opciones jurisprudenciales, cuestionando los axiomas y los prejuicios, tanto de las mejoras como de las subestimaciones de los contenciosos electorales africanos. Llega a concluir entonces, con una idea de eficacia contrapuesta y diferenciada. Por una parte, los mecanismos de gestión de los diferendos electorales, no ofrecen en todos los Estados las mismas garantías de eficiencia, y los mismos niveles de satisfacción o de insatisfacción. Por otra parte, a pesar de los notables e indiscutibles avances, persisten los motivos para preocuparse por la aptitud del juez electoral, para que cumpla con su rol de garante neutral de la democracia en África