184 research outputs found
Some reservations concerning the judicialization of peace
In their recent article, The Judicialization of Peace, Courtney Hillebrecht and Alexandra Huneeus, with the collaboration of Sandra Borda, made an impressive contribution to the discussion of the role of international courts in domestic politics. This Comment engages in this conversation about the role of international tribunals in Colombia’s peace process, challenging some of the views presented by the authors, and suggesting some alternatives to the authors’ approach. In particular, the Comment objects to the way in which they understand the working of international tribunals, with the help of a theory of democracy that significantly differs from the one the authors seem to be assuming in their article.Fil: Gargarella, Roberto. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones CientĂficas y TĂ©cnicas; Argentina. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentin
Democratic dialogue, multiculturalism and “public wrongs”
In this work, I challenge some of the ideas presented by Antony Duff’s in his book The Realm of Criminal Law and, more particularly, his approach to the idea of “public wrongs.” I claim that his views on the subject unjustifiably put into question some shared ideas about what it means to live in a democratic and multicultural society. More particularly, I maintain that, in multicultural societies, we define the basic elements of our identities in dialogue with different and “significant others,” which –I submit- makes it difficult to identify public wrongs that are –in his words- “clearly inconsistent with… any remotely plausible conception of civil order”. In my opinion, many of the problems that I find in his views originate in Duff’s implausible understanding of democracy: the “voice of the community” –I claim– can and should only be expressed by the community itself, through an ongoing and unending collective conversation.Fil: Gargarella, Roberto. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones CientĂficas y TĂ©cnicas; Argentin
Grafting Social Rights Onto Hostile Constitutions
An old metaphor used to understand legal reforms describes current law as a large and tranquil lake, and legal reforms as leaves that fall onto that lake. These reforms, like leaves, rest atop the existing law (the peaceful lake) and seem, at first, to be alien to it. For a long time, the new law and the old seem like distinct bodies and each maintains its own identity. Similarly, the leaves float on the lake, unharmed, as though they have not realized their contact with the lake. However, time passes and, little by little, the makeup of the new law changes—the leaves give in—and the interior architecture of the reform begins to lose strength. Little by little, reforms that seemed like foreign bodies to the old law begin to modify their texture to resemble that of the law on which they rest. Time passes and the reforms, like damp leaves, no longer appear to be distinct bodies. Now, the old law and the new, just like the lake and the fallen leaves, create one body. However, are these images really appropriate for thinking about the links that are created, slowly, between old and new laws? A cursory look at this metaphor suggests a somewhat quick and nonconfrontational adaptation between the established body and the newly arrived one. The metaphor suggests that it is just a matter of time until the process ends happily, with the smooth integration of one part with the other, after both have given in and abandoned their initial resistance. However enticing this view of the way links form between current and new laws may be, a critical look at the process suggests different results.Fil: Gargarella, Roberto. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones CientĂficas y TĂ©cnicas; Argentin
Latin American Constitutionalism: Social Rights and the “Engine Room” of the Constitution
Roberto Gargarella surveys the landscape of Latin American Constitutionalism from 1810 to 2010, with particular emphasis on efforts in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries to enhance protections of multiculturalism and human rights. Gargarella begins by surveying the founding period of Latin American constitutionalism, a period marked by compromise between liberals and conservatives. He proceeds to discuss the increasing incorporation of social rights—primarily economic and labor rights—during the early twentieth century. Gargarella then discusses a final wave of reforms, which introduced increasing human rights protections in the latter half of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first. Gargarella concludes that the latest wave of reforms did not go far enough in advancing human rights because the reforms failed to reach what Gargarella calls the engine room of the constitution. The engine room consists of the power-granting provisions of constitution that determine the relative authority of governmental actors. Gargarella contends that the enshrinement of several additional rights in Latin American constitutions is undermined by a failure to reorganize power structures so as to ensure that these new rights will be enforced
El constitucionalismo segĂşn John Rawls
El tĂ©rmino democracia se encuentra completamente ausente del famoso libro de John Rawls, TeorĂa de la justicia. En Liberalismo polĂtico, en cambio, Rawls discute varios de los muchos temas sobre los que el concepto de democracia nos invita a reflexionar
Dramas, conflictos y promesas del nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano
Este texto está dedicado a, e inspirado por, dos grandes maestros de la FilosofĂa del Derecho y el constitucionalismo, fallecidos en los Ăşltimos años. Por un lado, Carlos Nino, profesor argentino con quien tuve la suerte de trabajar durante casi una dĂ©cada, de quien aprendĂ buena parte de lo mucho o poco que hoy sĂ©, y quien sigue siendo una inspiraciĂłn -para mĂ y para la generaciĂłn de juristas a la que pertenezco- en su decisiĂłn de tomar en serio la doble promesa de la democracia y los derechos humanos. Por otro lado, Ronald Dworkin, a quien seguĂ como estudiante por Inglaterra y por los Estados Unidos, y a quien admirĂ© siempre por el poder de su retĂłrica y la fuerza de sus argumentos escritos, dirigidos siempre enuna misma direcciĂłn: honrar los ideales del igualitarismo, en un mundo que displicentemente sigue violando derechos sociales y arrasando con los derechos civiles mientras invoca el nombre de las buenas causas.Fil: Gargarella, Roberto. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones CientĂficas y TĂ©cnicas; Argentin
El derecho de resistencia en situaciones de carencia extrema.
Des de finals dels anys 90, i seguint una dècada de severs plans d’ajustament estructural, Amèrica Llatina va ser sacsejada per nombroses experiències de revoltes populars. Aquestes revoltes dugueren amb sĂ massives manifestacions col.lectives, alts nivells d’agressiĂł fĂsica i verbal contra polĂtics, jutges i funcionaris pĂşblics, en general. Les protestes inclogueren, per exemple, l’organitzaciĂł de “piquets” destinats a bloquejar el trĂ nsit en les rutes principals, amb l’objectiu d’exigir treball, menjar, o l’atorgament de subsidis; tant com sorolloses manifestacions (i. e., “cassolades”). Aquestes agressions a les autoritats pĂşbliques van arribar fins al domicili i propietats d’aquests i fins i tot els edificis pĂşblics en què treballaven (la seu del govern, les legislatures, els tribunals). Entre d’altres resultats, aquestes protestes van forçar la renĂşncia del president RaĂşl Cubas al Paraguay el 1999; la del president Alberto Fujimori al PerĂş el 2000; la del president Jail Mahuuad a Ecuador el 2000 (tant com la remociĂł del president Abdala Bucaram el 1996); la del president Sánchez de Lozada a Bolivia el 2002; i la del president Bertrand Aristide a HaitĂ el 2004. A l’Argentina aquestes protestes van culminar amb una profunda crisi que va incloure el mandat de cinc presidents diferents en menys de dues setmanes. Per descomptat, aquestes manifestacions foren promogudes, en cada cas, a partir de circumstĂ ncies parcialment diverses. Algunes foren, segurament mĂ©s legĂtimes que d’altres; algunes mĂ©s “espontĂ nies” o “genuines” que d’altres; algunes resultaren mĂ©s poderoses i duradores que d’altres. De tota manera, la presència d’aquestes variacions no hauria d’impedir-nos que reconeguem les similituds que vincularen aquests esdeveniments i que fan referència al tipus de crisi que es troba afectant a molts odres legals contemporanisSince the late nineties, and following a decade of severe structural adjustment plans, Latin America has been through several experiencies of popular riots. These riots brought together massive demonstrations and high levels of physical and verbal aggression towards politicians, judges and civil servants in general. The riots included, for instance, the organization of “piquetes” aimed at blocking trafic in main roads, aimed at demaning employment, food, or at the award of subsidies; they included also loud demonstrations (that is, “cazerolazos”). These aggressions towards public authorities included both their residences and properties, as well as the public buildings in which they worked (goverment seat, parliament, courthouse, etc.). Among other results, riots forced the dismission of president RaĂşl Cubas, in Paraguay, in 1999; the dismission of president Alberto Fujimori, in Peru, in 2000; that of president Jail Mahuuad, in Ecuador, in 2000 (as well as the remotion of president Abdala Burcaram, in 1996); that of president Sánchez de Lozada in Bolivia, in 2002; that of president Bertrand Aristide, in HaitĂ, in 2004. In Argentina, protests culminated in a profound crisis, which included the mandate of five different presidents in less than two weeks. Of course the demonstrations were promoted, in each case, on the basis of partially different circumstances. Some were possibly more legitimate than others; some were more “spontaneous” or more “genuine” than others; other ones were more powerful and long-lasting than others. However, these variations should not hinder us to recognize the similarity of the events, similarity which has to do with the type of crisis affecting several of legal contemporary orders.Desde fines de los 90, y siguiendo una dĂ©cada de severos planes de ajuste estructural, AmĂ©rica Latina fue surcada por numerosas experiencias de revueltas populares. Estas revueltas trajeron consigo masivas manifestaciones colectivas, altos niveles de agresiĂłn fĂsica y verbal contra polĂticos, jueces y funcionarios pĂşblicos, en general. Las protestas incluyeron, por ejemplo, la organizaciĂłn de “piquetes” destinados a bloquear el tráfico en las rutas principales, con el objeto de exigir empleo, comida, o el otorgamiento de subsidios; tanto como ruidosas manifestaciones (i.e., “cacerolazos”). Estas agresiones a las autoridades pĂşblicas alcanzaron el domicilio y las propiedades de los Ăşltimos, tato como los edificios pĂşblicos en los que trabajaban (la sede del gobierno, las legislaturas, los tribunales). Entre otros resultados, dichas protestas forzaron la renuncia del presidente RaĂşl Cubas, en Paraguay, en 1999;la del presidente Alberto Fujimori, en PerĂş, en el 2000; la del presidente Jail Mahuuad, en Ecuador, en el 2000 (tanto como la remociĂłn del presidente Abdala Bucaram, en 1996); la del presidente Sánchez de Lozada en Bolivia, en el 2002; y la del presidente Bertrand Aristide, en HaitĂ, en el 2004. En la Argentina, estas protestas culminaron con una profunda crisis que incluyĂł el mandato de cinco presidentes distintos en menos de dos semanas. Por supuesto, esta manifestaciones fueron promovidas, en cada caso, a partir de circunstancias parcialmente diversas. Algunas fueron seguramente más legĂtimas que otras; algunas fueron más “espontáneas” o “genuinas” que otras; algunas resultaron más poderosas y duraderas que otras. De todos modos, la presencia de todas estas variaciones no deberĂan impedirnos que reconozcamos las similitudes que vincularon a estos acontecimientos, que aluden al tipo de crisis que se encuentra afectando a muchos Ăłrdenes legales contemporáneos
30 años de derechos humanos en la Argentina (1983-2013)
En este breve texto voy a ocuparme de tres cuestiones relacionadas con la trayectoria de los derechos humanos en los Ăşltimos 30 años en Argentina. En primer lugar, harĂ© algunas reflexiones sobre el modo en que los derechos humanos volvieron a ocupar un lugar central en la vida pĂşblica local y regional -y el modo en que fueron incorporados en el marco constitucional existente- luego del fin de la dictadura militar. En segundo lugar, harĂ© referencia a un aspecto particular de la polĂtica de los derechos humanos de especial importancia para la historia del paĂs: los juicios seguidos contra los responsables de los bárbaros crĂmenes cometidos por la dictadura militar argentina, desde 1976 hasta 1983. Finalmente, aludirĂ© resumidamente al recorrido y evoluciĂłn de los derechos civiles, polĂticos, econĂłmicos y sociales durante estos 30 años. Salvo en los casos en que especifique otra definiciĂłn al respecto, aludirĂ©, con la idea de derechos humanos, al amplio plexo de derechos que se considera inherente a cada persona –y necesario para que cada uno alcance una vida digna– por su sola condiciĂłn de humanidad.Fil: Gargarella, Roberto. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones CientĂficas y TĂ©cnicas; Argentin
Penal Coercion in Contexts of Social Injustice
This article addresses the theoretical difficulty of justifying the use of penal coercion in circumstances of marked, unjustified social inequality. The intuitive belief behind the text is that in such a context—that of an indecent State—justifying penal coercion becomes very problematic, particularly when directed against the most disfavored members of society.Fil: Gargarella, Roberto. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones CientĂficas y TĂ©cnicas; Argentin
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