2,043 research outputs found

    The Equational Approach to CF2 Semantics

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    We introduce a family of new equational semantics for argumentation networks which can handle odd and even loops in a uniform manner. We offer one version of equational semantics which is equivalent to CF2 semantics, and a better version which gives the same results as traditional Dung semantics for even loops but can still handle odd loops.Comment: 36 pages, version dated 15 February 201

    Probabilistic Argumentation. An Equational Approach

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    There is a generic way to add any new feature to a system. It involves 1) identifying the basic units which build up the system and 2) introducing the new feature to each of these basic units. In the case where the system is argumentation and the feature is probabilistic we have the following. The basic units are: a. the nature of the arguments involved; b. the membership relation in the set S of arguments; c. the attack relation; and d. the choice of extensions. Generically to add a new aspect (probabilistic, or fuzzy, or temporal, etc) to an argumentation network can be done by adding this feature to each component a-d. This is a brute-force method and may yield a non-intuitive or meaningful result. A better way is to meaningfully translate the object system into another target system which does have the aspect required and then let the target system endow the aspect on the initial system. In our case we translate argumentation into classical propositional logic and get probabilistic argumentation from the translation. Of course what we get depends on how we translate. In fact, in this paper we introduce probabilistic semantics to abstract argumentation theory based on the equational approach to argumentation networks. We then compare our semantics with existing proposals in the literature including the approaches by M. Thimm and by A. Hunter. Our methodology in general is discussed in the conclusion

    Size and Logic

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    We show how to develop a multitude of rules of nonmonotonic logic from very simple and natural notions of size, using them as building blocks

    A perceptional view of the Coleman model of trust

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    In his classic model of trust, Coleman (1990) argues that the decision of an actor to trust or not is a function of the expected gain and loss involved. In this paper we show how actors who attempt to recruit others into network marketing employ narrative in manipulating the recruit's expectations. For example, we show how the costs involved in recruiting friends and family into network marketing are transformed into benefit through narrative strategies. Through the strategic use of narrative, recruiters change the recruit's perception of the parameters of the Coleman model and make perfectly rational behavior that was not considered rational before. In addition, we argue that recruiters use similar narrative on themselves in reconfirming the validity of their own previous decision to trust.

    Persecution of Minorities in Algeria: What Fuels the Maltreatment?

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    Algeria, the largest country in Africa, has nearly a uniform population. Arab Sunni Muslims comprise fully 99% of the 42 million strong-populace. Why, then, does its government grapple with fears of separatist movements from its own Sunni population? Further, why does it use suppression and persecution to hold down its meager minority populations that includes ethnic, cultural, religious, and linguistic denizens whose combined numbers total just 1% and who pose no serious threat to the powerful and often highly corrupt government and military force? The answer may lie in the rise of fundamentalist Islam, a movement that strives to make theocracy and Sharia law replace the current democratic government system. This balance of pleasing and thus containing the fundamentalist movement, which has consumed much of the Middle East and North Africa, has made its mark felt in Algeria and could threaten to destabilize one of the continent’s most powerful nations

    Hereditary Slavery Shackles Mauritania

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    This paper exposes the scourge of slavery that continues to thrive in the country of Mauritania in modern times. Though the practice is formally abolished and illegal, and the government continues to claim slavery has been eradicated, the truth lies elsewhere. 90,000 dark-skinned slaves, often referred to as Black Moors, continue to live deplorable lives in servitude to their lighter-skinned masters. The Mauritanian government is helping the scourge of slavery endure by denying its existence and providing it cover. Their task is made easier as the face of slavery changes and becomes hidden in the throes of modern commerce, making it more difficult for an outsider to differentiate between a low-income wage earner and a slave. Other situations are painfully identifiable, such as conducting human trafficking for purposes of prostitution. In all situations, women and children make up the vast majority of indentured servants. Due to a forced dearth of educational opportunity, slaves are often illiterate and therefore largely unable to emancipate themselves without outside help. Deeply entrenched belief systems, practices, and governmental and societal structures that exist in Mauritania secure an environment that allows slavery to continue to thrive. In addition to the Mauritanian government, businesses, educational facilities, NGO’s, and members of society at every level must take decisive action to eradicate the practice and change the beliefs that hold it in place. Foreign governments and businesses hold great power in their willingness to engage with Mauritanian leaders. By withholding financial aid and business deals international players have the opportunity to hasten the eradication of slavery in Mauritania This paper examines the depth of the slavery problem and recommends multiple steps for its elimination

    Socio-Political Conditions for Christians in Egypt

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    For those who have studied the history of religious tensions in Egypt, the current rising tide of violence against Christians in the country should come as no surprise. Persecution of Christians in Egypt dates back for centuries. In recent years—particularly during the past decade—we have witnessed a greater interest in understanding the violence, not only in academia, but among the interested general population as well. This has led to an upsurge in academic writings and in media articles discussing the issue. After a thorough literature review, I have discovered that many of the pieces focus on the empirical, while often neglecting the normative. While empiricism is important for any research endeavor, this paper seeks to focus more on the narratives on the ground. As a sociologist for three decades, I have worked closely with the Egyptian Christian immigrant community in the U.S. and have regularly been called to testify in asylum courts across the U.S. regarding the issues of religious intolerance in Egypt. Over the years, I have conducted countless interviews with these individuals. As such, I have used their personal stories as a starting point for my academic inquiries. As a case study, I have selected three personal narratives to include in this analysis. All of the individuals' names have been changed in order to safeguard their identity. For this paper, I have specifically chosen individuals from different backgrounds, genders, education levels, social standings, and geographical location. In doing so, I was able to piece together a larger narrative that demonstrates how the persecution of Christians in Egypt is not limited to one group or another—it is widespread throughout Egyptian society. In the end, I was able to discover that each of the individuals suffered in different ways. However, they all suffered given one basic commonality—being Christian in Egypt

    Yemen’s Human Rights Abuses Skyrocket Amidst Ongoing Chaos

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    Six years of war in Yemen have destroyed human rights in a country whose record was already abysmal. Yemen is considered the largest humanitarian crisis in the world, largely due to its food insecurity. Destroyed infrastructure, lack of services and fuel, a non-functioning government, and continued fighting has taken the lives of over 18,000 civilians, leaving survival efforts to take precedent overall. With no oversight, human rights are non-existent. A significant rise in violence has occurred against women including abuse, rape, and torture by a number of parties, including belligerents. Houthi rebels, Saudi forces, and Saudi backed Yemeni forces have all been documented to have committed serious abuses against civilians. For women, violence in the home is even worse. With extremely limited rights and protection, women remain vulnerable to domestic and sexual violence from relatives and have little to no recourse. Honor killings remain acceptable, and young girls are frequently married off as there is no minimum age of marriage. With chaos continuing to block most outside help, Yemeni’s will continue to suffer extreme human rights abuses until the war ends
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