On the phrasing properties of Hindi relative clauses

This paper presents results from a production experiment in Hindi, showing that differences in attachment site of object relative clauses result in prosodic differences when the antecedent of the relative clause (RC) is part of a complex NP with the structure N1 of N2. In particular, based on duration and F0 data we argue that the phrasing in a matrix sentence encodes the attachment site of the object RC. When the RC attaches high, i.e. modifying the head N1 of the complex NP, N2 and N1 form together a phonological phrase, while the verb of the matrix clause forms a phonological phrase on its own. In the case of low attachment, i.e. the RC modifies the genitive N2, the N2 forms its own phonological phrase, while N1 forms a phonological phrase with the verb of the matrix clause.Theoretical and Experimental Linguistic

Notions and subnotions in information structure

Three dimensions can be distinguished in a cross-linguistic account of information structure. First, there is the definition of the focus constituent, the part of the linguistic expression which is subject to some focus meaning. Second and third, there are the focus meanings and the array of structural devices that encode them. In a given language, the expression of focus is facilitated as well as constrained by the grammar within which the focus devices operate. The prevalence of focus ambiguity, the structural inability to make focus distinctions, will thus vary across languages, and within a language, across focus meanings

Basic notions of information structure

This article takes stock of the basic notions of Information Structure (IS). It first provides a general characterization of IS — following Chafe (1976) — within a communicative model of Common Ground(CG), which distinguishes between CG content and CG management. IS is concerned with those features of language that concern the local CG. Second, this paper defines and discusses the notions of Focus (as indicating alternatives) and its various uses, Givenness (as indicating that a denotation is already present in the CG), and Topic (as specifying what a statement is about). It also proposes a new notion, Delimitation, which comprises contrastive topics and frame setters, and indicates that the current conversational move does not entirely satisfy the local communicative needs. It also points out that rhetorical structuring partly belongs to IS.Peer Reviewe

Effect of somatostatin on duodenal glucose absorption in man.

OBJECTIVE: The hyperglycemic hyperinsulinemic clamp technique using intraduodenally infused glucose is an attractive tool for studying postprandial glucose metabolism under strictly controlled conditions. Because it requires the use of somatostatin (SST), we examined, in this study, the effect of SST on intestinal glucose absorption. CONTEXT: Twenty-six normal volunteers were given a constant 3-h intraduodenal infusion of glucose (6 mg.kg(-1).min(-1)) labeled with [2-(3)H]glucose for glucose absorption measurement. During glucose infusion, 19 subjects received iv SST at doses of 10-100 ng.kg(-1).min(-1) plus insulin and glucagon, and seven subjects were studied under control conditions. In the controls, glucose was absorbed at a rate that, after a 20-min lag period, equaled the infusion rate. RESULTS: With all the doses of SST tested, absorption was considerably delayed but equaled the rate of infusion after 3 h. At that time, only 5 +/- 2% of the total amount of infused glucose was unabsorbed in the control subjects vs. 36 +/- 2% (P < 0.001) in the SST-infused subjects. In the latter, the intraluminal residue was almost totally absorbed within 40 min of the cessation of SST infusion. At the lowest dose of SST tested (10 ng.kg(-1).min(-1)), suppression of insulin secretion was incomplete. CONCLUSION: These properties of SST hamper the use of intraduodenal hyperglycemic hyperinsulinemic clamps as a tool for exploring postprandial glucose metabolism