A régiók jelentősége a mai európai politikai életben

A régiók nem csak a közelmúltban jelentek meg az európai politika színpadán, mint önálló szereplők, tevékenységüket már évtizedek óta jegyzik. Ennek középpontjában mindenekelőtt a régiók határokon átnyúló együttműködése áll, ezt egészítették ki a régiók transznacionális megállapodásaival, amelyek arra szolgáltak, hogy a nemzetállamok kormányaival valamint a nemzetközi szervezetekkel, különösképpen az Európa Tanáccsal és az Európai Közösséggel szemben érdekképviseletüket gyakorolják. Az utóbbi időben a régiók egyre energikusabban és követelőbben hívták fel magukra a figyelmet. Tevékenységük súlypontja jelenleg nyilvánvalóan az EU és az integrációs folyamatokon belül helyezkedik el. A régiók mint az EU-kontextus politikai tényezői igen sokrétű tevékenységet mutatnak fel, amelyek az „Európa régiói” megjelölésben foglalhatók össze. Az elnevezésből, mint sokszor használatos szlogenből azonban hiányzik egy egyértelmű és ugyanakkor közös megegyezéssel alapuló, elfogadott tartalom. Regions appeared as autonomous entities on the European political stage not only in recent years. The activity of regions has been recorded for decades. It focuses above all on the cross-border cooperation of regions, and was supplemented by the trans-national agreements of regions, which served to practice their representation against the governments of nation states as well as international organisations, in particular, the European Council and the European Community. Most recently, regions have drawn attention to their presence more and more and when doing so have found increasing attention. Their centre of activity is now obviously located within the EU and the integration processes. Regions as the political factors of the EU context show a wide range of activities that can be summarized under the label of ‘the regions of Europe’. The name, as a frequently used slogan, is lacking a clear and at the same time jointly agreed, accepted content. Regions and regionalism are rather flourishing in Europe. But what do regionalism and the expression Europe of regions exactly mean? There are many approaches to the question, the concept of cross-border interregionality between the Member States of the European Union, or the effort to make regions the basic building blocks of European integration instead of states, and the objective to introduce a three-tier structure to the European Union which would extend the already existing tiers of the European Union and the Member States with a third one, the territorial units within nation states. The first approach has long been adopted, the second approach is rather utopian. The third one is subject to fierce debates: a three-tier European Union with European, nation state and regional levels

A régiók fejlődése és a szubnacionális mobilizáció az Európai Unióban

Subnational mobilisation was one of the most outstanding features of the European internal policy of the 1990s. The phenomenon is reflected by two, mutually reinforcing factors. On the one hand, the 1988 reform of the Structural Funds and several provisions and principles of TEU created new opportunities for regions to become involved in the European politics; on the other hand, processes and theoretical debates towards the territorial decentralisation of power within Member States, as well as the openness and activism of regions in the area of structural and cohesion policy expressed more and more pronounced needs of enforcement of their rights. The opportunities and demands, the “Europe of the regions”, the concept of a “Three-tier Europe” together with the EU becoming a multi-level governance system collectively constitute the conditionality of subnational mobilisation. The phenomenon can be summarised as follows: the regions within the state and at Community level, by the concurrent use of institutional and informal tools, are increasingly becoming involved and are increasingly becoming involved and are increasingly shaping the EU institutions and their decision-making processes

Foreign rule?: transnational, national, and local perspectives on Venice and Venetia within the “multinational” empire

The history of the Habsburg Empire in the post-Napoleonic era is frequently approached from the perspective of its various component nationalities. These were traditionally portrayed in the historiography as engaged in more-or-less open struggle with control from Vienna. This article argues that the over-privileging of such national categories can distort the picture. By looking at a number of case studies – the naming of Lombardy-Venetia, the Biblioteca italiana, the Panteon veneto – the relationship between Venice (and its Terraferma) and Habsburg rule during the second Austrian domination is examined. It will be argued that it is more profitable to see Venetian identities (municipal, local, Italian, and as part of a wider transnational European culture) as capable of working for as well as against the empire, and that Habsburg policy was as often concerned with managing potential local rivalries (notably between Lombards and Venetians) as with controlling a perceived Italian threat. It is also suggested that, while cultivation of local identity was often used to reinforce the national, the Austrian authorities were also happy to annex both to further imperial interests

Factrors and facts in Hungarian HIV/AIDS epidemic, 1985-2000

In Hungary among others there were some special factors, which shaped the outcome of HIV/AIDS epidemic. (1) In the early period of pandemic the “iron curtain” delayed and limited the importation of HIV to Hungary. (2) In 1985, at the time of detection of first HIV infected persons the etiological diagnostic tools were already commercially available and laboratory facilities have been created immediately for HIV antibody tests in networks of blood banks, public health and venereological services. (3) Laboratory facilities together with introduced health regulations resulted in (a) elimination of possibility of nosocomial HIV transmission by blood, blood products and organ transplantation; (b) efficient case finding and contact tracing in population groups potentially playing a significant role in spreading of infection; (c) opportunities for voluntary HIV testing free of charge. (4) Broad scale education and information activities have been developed from the beginning by governmental and non-governmental organizations alike. (5) Parenteral drug abuse did not play a role in spreading of HIV, so far. The above factors resulted in a slowly developing moderate epidemic. The facts are as follows. By the end of 2000 altogether 879 HIV positive (666 male, 100 female and 113 anonymous) persons have been notified, 377 (344 male and 33 female) of whom showed already the characteristic features of AIDS and 229 died. 29% of registered HIV positive persons have been foreigners originating from 56 countries. The cumulative incidence rate of AIDS was 38 per million population. 73% of Hungarian HIV positive persons and 72% of patients with AIDS belonged to transmission group of men having sex with men. The age of HIV positive persons at the time of detection was between 20 and 49 years in 81% and 72% of them resided in or around Budapest