316 research outputs found

    Buying Time 2000: Television Advertising in the 2000 Federal Elections

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    Summarizes a study of political television advertising in the 2000 federal primaries and elections with a focus on the use of the issue ad loophole to evade campaign finance laws. Questions the standard used to differentiate issue ads from election ads

    Party Conventions Are a Free-For-All for Influence Peddling: The Soft Money Loophole for Lobbyists

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    The Democratic and Republican national conventions are supposed to be publicly financed electoral events with reasonable ethics restrictions on influence-peddling by lobbyists. However, the conventions have become mostly privately financed soirees funded by corporations and lobbying firms that seek favors from the federal government. The unlimited soft money donations from special interests to pay for the conventions, and the lavish parties and wining and dining at the conventions, run counter to the federal election law and congressional ethics rules

    Bankrollers: Lobbyists' Payments to the Lawmakers they Court, 1998-2006

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    Lobbyists and their political action committees (PACs) have contributed at least 103.1milliontomembersofCongresssince1998.ThisreportisthefirstcomprehensiveefforttomatchnamesoflobbyistswithFederalElectionCommissioncampaigncontributiondata.Theresultprovidesdetailsaboutthebiggestlobbyistcontributorsandcongressionalrecipientsofcampaignlargesseandfurnishesacontributiontotalnearlydoublethepreviousestimate.ThereportdetailstheamountsgiventomembersofCongresssince1998bythe50biggestlobbyistmoneygivers.TwentysevenpercentoflobbyistshavecontributedanamounttolawmakerslargeenoughtoberecognizedbytheFederalElectionCommission(103.1 million to members of Congress since 1998. This report is the first comprehensive effort to match names of lobbyists with Federal Election Commission campaign contribution data. The result provides details about the biggest lobbyist contributors and congressional recipients of campaign largesse and furnishes a contribution total nearly double the previous estimate.The report details the amounts given to members of Congress since 1998 by the 50 biggest lobbyist money-givers. Twenty-seven percent of lobbyists have contributed an amount to lawmakers large enough to be recognized by the Federal Election Commission (200 or more), and a select 6.1 percent of lobbyists have contributed at least 10,000totaling83.4percentofalllobbyistcontributions.Manyofthetoprecipientsofcongressionalcampaignmoneyareonappropriationscommitteesthatdoleoutfederalmoney.Thereportalsorecordstheriseofcontributionsbylobbyistsfrom10,000 -- totaling 83.4 percent of all lobbyist contributions. Many of the top recipients of congressional campaign money are on appropriations committees that dole out federal money.The report also records the rise of contributions by lobbyists from 17.8 million in the 2000 election cycle to 33.9millioninthe2004cyclea90.3percentincrease.Inthe2006election,lobbyistsandtheirPACsarealreadyontracktogiveabout10percentmorethaninthepreviouscycle,notaccountingfortheexpectedincreaseincontributionsasElectionDaydrawsnearer.Profilingthe10lobbyistswhohavegiventhemosttomembersofCongresssince1998,thereportalsoprovidesbehindthescenesglimpsesofsomeofthemostegregiouspolicymakingfiascosinrecentyears.OneprimeexampleisKennethKies,whoservedasthechiefofstaffoftheCongressionalJointCommitteeonTaxationfrom1995to1998andwho,alongwithhiswifeKathleen,isthestudysfifthhighestlobbyistcontributortoCongresswith33.9 million in the 2004 cycle -- a 90.3 percent increase. In the 2006 election, lobbyists and their PACs are already on track to give about 10 percent more than in the previous cycle, not accounting for the expected increase in contributions as Election Day draws nearer.Profiling the 10 lobbyists who have given the most to members of Congress since 1998, the report also provides behind-the-scenes glimpses of some of the most egregious policy-making fiascos in recent years. One prime example is Kenneth Kies, who served as the chief of staff of the Congressional Joint Committee on Taxation from 1995 to 1998 and who, along with his wife Kathleen, is the study's fifth-highest lobbyist-contributor to Congress with 292,866 since 1998

    Outside Groups in the New Campaign Finance Environment: The Meaning of BCRA and the McConnell Decision

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    The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA) represents a major change in federal campaign finance law, preserving the integrity of existing contribution limits by placing limits on soft money in federal elections. The BCRA, and McConnell v. Federal Election Commission, which upheld it, will have significant effects on the role of non-profit organizations in federal elections. As the BCRA now limits the use of soft money by state and national political parties, much of this money will be channeled to such non-profit groups

    Judicial Review of Ballot Initiatives: The Changing Role of State and Federal Courts

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    Dressing changes in a burns unit for children under the age of five:a qualitative study of mothers’ experiences

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    This study aimed to investigate the experiences of mothers who had attended their child’s burn dressing changes. Participants were recruited from a burns unit based within a children’s hospital. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with five mothers of children under the age of five who had undergone a series of dressing changes taking place on the burns unit. The interview guide explored parents’ experience of initial and subsequent dressing changes. Participants were prompted to explore their expectations, thoughts, feelings and behaviours associated with these experiences. The interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim. Transcripts were analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis. The analysis identified four themes: ‘needing to fulfil the responsibilities associated with being a mother’; ‘emotional synchrony between mother and child’; ‘being informed and knowing what to expect’; and ‘the importance of establishing rapport with nurses performing dressing changes’. Findings from this research can inform services to help optimise mothers’ experiences of dressing changes in this stage of pediatric burn care

    A cluster randomized controlled trial of the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of Intermediate Care Clinics for Diabetes (ICCD) : study protocol for a randomized controlled trial

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    Background World-wide healthcare systems are faced with an epidemic of type 2 diabetes. In the United Kingdom, clinical care is primarily provided by general practitioners (GPs) rather than hospital specialists. Intermediate care clinics for diabetes (ICCD) potentially provide a model for supporting GPs in their care of people with poorly controlled type 2 diabetes and in their management of cardiovascular risk factors. This study aims to (1) compare patients with type 2 diabetes registered with practices that have access to an ICCD service with those that have access only to usual hospital care; (2) assess the cost-effectiveness of the intervention; and (3) explore the views and experiences of patients, health professionals and other stakeholders. Methods/Design This two-arm cluster randomized controlled trial (with integral economic evaluation and qualitative study) is set in general practices in three UK Primary Care Trusts. Practices are randomized to one of two groups with patients referred to either an ICCD (intervention) or to hospital care (control). Intervention group: GP practices in the intervention arm have the opportunity to refer patients to an ICCD - a multidisciplinary team led by a specialist nurse and a diabetologist. Patients are reviewed and managed in the ICCD for a short period with a goal of improving diabetes and cardiovascular risk factor control and are then referred back to practice. or Control group: Standard GP care, with referral to secondary care as required, but no access to ICCD. Participants are adults aged 18 years or older who have type 2 diabetes that is difficult for their GPs to control. The primary outcome is the proportion of participants reaching three risk factor targets: HbA1c (≤7.0%); blood pressure (<140/80); and cholesterol (<4 mmol/l), at the end of the 18-month intervention period. The main secondary outcomes are the proportion of participants reaching individual risk factor targets and the overall 10-year risks for coronary heart disease(CHD) and stroke assessed by the United Kingdom Prospective Diabetes Study (UKPDS) risk engine. Other secondary outcomes include body mass index and waist circumference, use of medication, reported smoking, emotional adjustment, patient satisfaction and views on continuity, costs and health related quality of life. We aimed to randomize 50 practices and recruit 2,555 patients

    Shirt sponsorship by gambling companies in the English and Scottish Premier Leagues: global reach and public health concerns

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    While the nature of gambling practices is contested, a strong evidence base demonstrates that gambling can become a serious disorder and have a range of detrimental effects for individuals, communities and societies. Over the last decade, football in the UK has become visibly entwined with gambling marketing. To explore this apparent trend, we tracked shirt sponsors in both the English and Scottish Premier Leagues since 1992 and found a pronounced increase in the presence of sponsorship by gambling companies. This increase occurred at the same time the Gambling Act 2005, which liberalized rules, was introduced. We argue that current levels of gambling sponsorship in UK football, and the global visibility it provides to gambling brands, is a public health concern that needs to be debated and addressed. We recommend that legislators revisit the relationship between football in the UK and the sponsorship it receives from the gambling industry
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