Fundamental Rights of workers in the Digital Age: A methodological approach from a case study. WP C.S.D.L.E. "Massimo D'Antona" .INT - 89/2011

The relationship between employer and worker is not only obligatory but above all, as Sinzheimer said, a ‘relationship of power’. In the Digital Age this statement is confirmed by the massive introduction of ICT in most of the companies that increase, in practice, employer’s supervisory powers. This is a worrying issue for two reasons: on one hand, ICT emerge as a new way to weaken the effectiveness of fundamental rights and the right to dignity of workers; and, on the other hand, Spanish legal system does not offer appropriate solutions to ensure that efficacy. Moreover, in a scenario characterized by a hybridization of legal systems models –in which traditional hard law methods are combined with soft law and self regulation instruments–, the role of our case law has become very important in this issue. Nevertheless, despite the increase of judicialization undergone, solutions offered by Courts are so different that do not give enough legal certainty. Facing this situation, I suggest a methodological approach –using Alchourron and Bulygin’s normative systems theory and Alexy’s fundamental rights theory– which can open new spaces of decision to legal operators in order to solve properly these problems. This proposal can allow setting a policy that guarantees fundamental rights of workers, deepening their human freedom in companies from the Esping-Andersen’s de-commodification perspective. With this purpose, I examine electronic communications in the company as a case study

El cabdillisme a l’Amèrica Llatina en la primera meitat del segle XIX

Treballs Finals de Grau en Història, Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona, Curs: 2016-2017, Tutor: Pilar García Jordán[cat] Quan les Guerres de Independència a l’Amèrica Llatina, finalment, acabaren, els nous països sorgits veurien l’aparició i conformació del “cabdillisme” com a forma de fer política, dominant la regió durant la primera meitat del segle XIX. En aquest treball, vist com un estat de la qüestió, ens centrem en els “cabdills”; com van sorgir, com van prendre el poder i com van mantenir-lo. A més, abordem dos anàlisis de cas, Mèxic i Bolívia, per tal de poder demostrar les hipòtesis plantejades.[eng] When the Latin America Wars of Independence were finally over, the new countries that appeared saw the emergence and conformation of the “caudillismo”, a new type of politics which dominated the region during the first half of the Nineteenth Century. In this work, thought as to see the historiographic state of the matter, we try to focus on the “caudillos”; how they emerged, they took control of the power and they kept it. Also, we specify in studying two examples, that are Mexico and Bolivia, to be able to prove the hypothesis

Pension reforms and participation in Spain

The Spanish public pension system has periodically been reformed over the past three decades. These reforms have been of varying intensity and different in nature as regards their approval process. The first major reforms occurred in Spain in the 1980s and were characterised by their unilaterality due to the parliamentary majority of the government. They triggered a strong social response and various general strikes were called against their measures. However, these reforms became more participatory by the mid-1990s. The main instrument of participation in pension reforms in the Spanish system is known as the Toledo Pact (Pacto de Toledo), which has been in force since 1995. It is a parliamentary commission that approves a series of declarative principles and recommendations to follow in the reform processes. Its purpose is to ensure broad political consensus before passing new regulations. Within this framework, another instrument used is social dialogue among government, unions and business organisations. Accordingly, there have been four agreements (1996, 2001, 2006 and 2011) approving a series of reform measures founded on the principles formulated in the Pact. On the basis of these agreements, the government in each case presented a bill to the Parliament for discussion and approval. The last reform, which took place in 2013, was very significant due to a huge regression in terms of protection levels. Unlike prior reforms, it was passed without social dialogue and without following the consensus procedures of the Toledo Pact, thereby implying a return to unilaterality in this field. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the functioning and consequences of these instruments of participation, focusing on explaining the Toledo Pact, how it works and how it has served to increase legitimacy and consensus in pension reforms as opposed to unilateral regulatory changes

El Litoral y el Estado boliviano ante el desafío del guano

In this paper, my aim is to analyze, on the one hand, the relationship between the Bolivian State and guano from Atacama and the performance of themonopolistic legislation and economic contracts for its exploitation with two British companies; on the other hand, the local response to the deployment ofthe central authority in its territory and the advance of the capitalist economic frontier over a resource for which there was a long tradition of exploitation. Whatresulted was a clash of models, and a struggle between legitimacies to impose their own project to manage the guano business and its benefits.En el siguiente artículo pretendo mostrar, por un lado, la relación del Estado boliviano con el guano atacameño y el desempeño de la legislación monopolista y el contrato económico para su explotación con dos empresas británicas; y, por otro lado, la respuesta de la localidad ante el despliegue de la autoridad central por su territorio y la llegada de la frontera económica capitalista sobre un recurso del que había una larga tradición en su explotación. Todo ello resultó en un choque de modelos, en una lucha entre legitimidades para imponer un proyecto propio con el que gestionar el negocio del guano y sus beneficios

Una aproximación historiográfica al “caudillo” Andrés de Santa Cruz.

The present article intends to be a historiographical review on the first of the Bolivian caudillos of the 19th century, Andrés de Santa Cruz, whose actions and political evolution are key to understanding the history of the nineteenth century Bolivia, that has seen him as a paradigm of the Andean caudillos of military characteristics. From the current status of research on the topic we propose that the "caudillo" Santa Cruz tried to implement a political project, of Bolivarian origin, as was the Peru-Bolivian Confederation.El presente artículo pretende ser una aproximación historiográfica al primero de los caudillos bolivianos del siglo XIX, Andrés de Santa Cruz, cuyas acciones y devenir político son claves para entender la historia de la Bolivia del siglo XIX, que lo ha visto como paradigma de caudillo andino de carácter militar. A partir del estado de la cuestión planteamos que el “caudillo” Santa Cruz pretendió implementar un proyecto político, de origen bolivariano, como fue la Confederación Perú-Boliviana

Auge y caída de José Ballivián en Bolivia (1841-1847). Construcción y derribo de la batalla de Ingavi como base legitimadora

The aim of this paper is show the discursive construction around the victory in the battle of Ingavi (1841), extolling its importance as Bolivia’s second independence against the Peruvian invader and «political monster» Agustín Gamarra, and José Ballivián, unifier and hero of all the present factions of the country, to legitimize his administration. In turn, we intend to analyze the opposite discourse, formed by the opponents to the presidency of Ballivián at the time of his fall to delegitimize his cause and justify new leaderships in the country.El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar la construcción discursiva alrededor de la victoria en la batalla de Ingavi (1841), ensalzando su importancia como segunda independencia de Bolivia ante el invasor peruano y «monstruo político» Agustín Gamarra, y José Ballivián, héroe unificador de las facciones irreconciliables del país, para legitimar su administración. A su vez, se pretende analizar el discurso contrario, formado por los opositores a la presidencia de Ballivián en el momento de su caída para deslegitimar su causa y justificar nuevos liderazgos en el país