Activist online journalism and the gender controversy: investigating Polish LGBTQ blogs

Dieser Beitrag untersucht einen Korpus von Blog-Einträgen ausgewählter polnischer LQBTQ-Blogs zum Thema Gender. Der Fokus liegt im Besonderen auf Texten, die als Beispiele für den AktivisitInnen-Onlinejournalismus stehen, einem hybriden Genre, das soziales Engagement und alternativen Journalismus verbindet und das mit den massenmedialen Frames und den Konventionen des Nachrichten-Genres interagiert, darauf aufbaut und sich diese aneignet. Der Beitrag verwendet dabei die positive discourse analysis (PDA) und im Besonderen die revidierte Typologie von Gegen- strategien, die von Felicitas Macgilchrist (2007) entwickelt wurden und die die Verwendungsweisen von ironischen und nicht-ironischen Strategien der Inversion, der Komplexifizierung, der teilweisen und der radikal neuen Rahmung aufzeigen, die die Formen der Darstellung des Themas Gender in den Massenmedien herausfordern.This article investigates a corpus of blog entries dealing with gender issues published on se- lected Polish LGBTQ blogs. It focuses in particular on texts which could be considered examples of ac- tivist online journalism – a hybrid genre combining social activism and alternative journalism – inter- acting with, building upon, and re-appropriating mainstream frames and news reporting genre conven- tions. The article employs the framework of positive discourse analysis (PDA) and specifically a revised typology of counter-strategies developed by Felicitas Macgilchrist (2007), showing the use of strategies of non-ironic and ironic inversion, complexification, partial reframing and radical reframing to contest the ways the topic of gender is dealt with in mainstream media

Transition in Poland, Poland in Transition:Tracing the history of gender transition discourses in Polish social media

The present article explores the history of Polish online gender transition discourses, conceptualized in terms of two main stages – “Transnet 1.0” of anonymous, text-based blogs documenting individual experiences and “Transnet 2.0” of YouTube videos, podcasts and tik-toks created by openly trans activists. It offers an analysis of various kinds of multilingual practices in these narratives and attempts to track the way they have been changing to reveal threads of local and global, conservative and liberal, medical and activist discourses. This is done against the background of Poland’s own transition from a (nominally) socialist state to a modern democracy, which has not followed a simple, straight-forward path to progress allegedly exemplified by the “West”. The history of attitudes towards the transgender community throughout Poland’s democratic transition and its traces in contemporary online discourses paint a more complex picture

Lower Sorbian (new) speakers: questions worth asking

This article discusses the results of a sociolinguistic survey conducted among speakers of Lower Sorbian in autumn/winter 2020/2021. Lower Sorbian is an endangered Slavic language spoken in Lower Lusatia, a region located in the federal state of Brandenburg in eastern Germany. As is the case with many other minority languages, efforts are currently being undertaken to revitalize it and ensure its survival for future generations. Since home transmission of Lower Sorbian has practically ceased completely, the burden of revitalization is increasingly being carried by so-called new speakers, i.e. speakers who have acquired the language, usually via institutional education and often as adults. The online survey, available both in Lower Sorbian and German, consisted of 30 questions divided into four sections: General information, Language use/linguistic practices, Lower Sorbian identity and community, and Opinions and attitudes. Its goal was to gather general information on the Lower Sorbian speaker community and on how it operates. Although the survey did not target new speakers specifically, it was expected to be completed mostly by this speaker group. It was designed to provide an overall picture of new speaker profiles, to be explored in depth later in the project during individual sociolinguistic interviews and focus group discussions. The questionnaire was distributed via familiar speaker networks and completed by 78 respondents (43 in German and 35 in Lower Sorbian). As the number of Lower Sorbian speakers is not known, the results of the survey cannot be considered representative. They do, however, provide important and interesting information about a group of speakers who are mostly of working age, well-educated and living predominantly in Cottbus or the surrounding area. They make an effort to speak the endangered language in professional and social/cultural contexts, they are aware of its precarious situation and they care about its survival. Most of our respondents have learned the language — or are still learning it — via institutional education, which makes them new speakers. Through multiple diagrams that represent the survey results in an easy-to-follow way, complemented by examples of respondents’ comments to the questionnaire, the article paints a general picture of these speakers, their motivations, language practices and future hopes and aspirations

Heiress of the Russian Empire Anna Ivanovna 1730-1740

After the death of its creator, Peter I, Russia owes the continuation of the task of building the empire to four women – Catherine I, Ann, Elizabeth and Catherine II. The above four women had played an important role in the development of the autocratic system in the Russian state. The power of a Tsarist autocratic ruler was the foundation of his political position at least until the middle of the 19th c. The effectiveness in the execution of the rulers resolutions decided about this right to the throne; it constituted a specific legitimization of power. A weak ruler was often removed through armed rebellion or the spreading of rumors whereas a “true,” strong tsar was installed in his place. The imperial power in Russia was unlimited – it was believed to come from God and sometimes it was even identified with the will of the Nation. The latter theory was opposed by Marxist historiography which gave priority to the social-economic structure of Russia. The women ascended to the throne at a difficult moment in Russia’s history, namely after the death of Peter the Great; they were the potential target of attacks from the aristocratic, court, and army opposition circles, as well as the so called Old Believers, or even ordinary people. The rule of Catherine I who became the successor of Peter and the rule of Peter II, was marked by the stigma of rivalry among the aristocratic and courtly circles. Thanks to the support of the Supreme Privy Council, after the death of Peter II, it was Princess Anne of Courland who ascended to the throne in Russia. The assessment of her rule in historiography varies considerably – for instance, the influence of Anne’s favorite – Biron has been rather negatively assessed. The above pejorative appraisal of Princess Anne’s rule may have its source in the way in which the contemporaries tried to justify the Elizabeth’s coming to power in 1717. Anna became a ruler thanks to the support of aristocracy which strove for power in Russia. She accepted the “Stipulations” – or written conditions of her ascension to the tsarist throne; the latter had limited the ruler’s prerogatives. The Imperial Guards and the gentry under the leadership of Prokopowicz and Tatiszczew had stood on the side of strong tsarist rule. Having taken advantage of the support that was granted to her, Anna had seized autocratic rule, liquidated the Privy Council, crushed the opposition of the aristocrats and resumed a continuation of the reforms in the manner of Peter the Great. She strengthened tsarist autocratic authority, laying the foundations for this form of government for the decades to come