An Environmental Genocide: Counting the Human and Environmental Cost of Oil in Bayelsa, Nigeria

NoBayelsa, in the Niger Delta, in Southern Nigeria, is in the grip of a human and environmental catastrophe of unimaginable proportions. At one time, the area was home to one of the largest mangrove forests on the planet; an area of unrivalled ecological value. Today, it is one of the most polluted places on Earth. Oil extraction and its impact is the overwhelmingly evident cause of this disaster

An interface between environment and poverty: A case study of Niger Delta region in Nigeria

Since the environment man lives in affects him either positively or negatively, it behoves him therefore to protect and manage this environment very well for his own benefit. Thus, in Third World countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, most people depend on the natural resources as a means of livelihood. In Nigeria, for instance, the government and its agencies in particular and the people as a whole owe it a responsibility to manage, conserve, preserve and sustain the environment. According to the United Nations (2002), 189 countries signed the millennium declaration, which led to the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals, one of which is to ensure environmental sustainability. Unfortunately, however, where the reverse becomes the case the consequence is usually enormous. For example, desertification, degradation, de-aforestation, pollution (air and water), acid rain and other problems that are dangerous to earth and to human beings become the order of the day. What is more, those people who depend on the natural resources for their means of livelihood become impoverished. This study identifies environmental problems in the Niger Delta Region that are occasioned by man’s activities on the environment. In particular, it points out that as a result of the exploitation of the natural resources like oil among others and the consequent inability to manage the environment effectively, poverty has become the order of the day in that region. It also analyzes government’s efforts at the environmental management, control and sustainability. The study concludes by suggesting ways for effective management and sustainability for the optimal use, growth and development of people in particular and the nation as a whole

Environmental Conflict and Internal Migration in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria

This paper examines environmental conflict and internal migration in Nigeria's oil producing Delta Region. While it is true that the literature and discourse on the Niger Delta have dealt substantially with the violence and tensions resulting from the militarization of the region and brutal repression over the years of restive communities, it needs stressing that scant attention has been paid to the critical issue of environmental conflict and internal migration in the Delta region. The paper contends that the dynamics of environmental conflict and internal migration in the Niger Delta are deeply rooted in the contradictions thrown up by oil-dependent global capitalist system and the processes of globalization, which have fed into and escalated the complex dynamics of internal migration, the rentier character of the Nigerian state and the oil industry in the ecologically fragile Niger Delta region. The paper locates these contradictions in, among other things, the penetration of global capital into a largely rural society, environmental pollution and degradation, the nature of development which perpetuates inequality and differential access to resources, the paradox of poverty amid wealth, and the restiveness and violence it generates in the region. In conclusion, the paper argues that, while environmental conflict and internal migration pose serious challenges to the development of the oil-rich region, in particular, and the Nigerian state in general, the Nigerian state and its joint venture partners (the multinational oil corporations) must the challenge of genuinely tackling, in a holistic fashion, decades of exclusion and injustice, corporate neglect, environmental destruction and other oil-based contradictions that have continued to spawn environmental conflict and internal migration in this oil-rich, but ecologically fragile ecosystem

The impact of oil industry-related social exclusion on community wellbeing and health in African countries

Background: Oil is the mainstay revenue for a number of African countries. However, extraction can result in multiple impacts on the health and wellbeing of communities living in oil-rich areas. This review explored evidence of oil industry-related social exclusion on community health and wellbeing on the African continent. Methods: We used a systematic approach guided by PRISMA to search six databases for empirical and descriptive sources focused on oil industry impacts, in any African country, between 1960 to 2021. Findings were grouped according to four dimensions of the Social Exclusion Knowledge Network (SEKN) framework: political, social, economic, and cultural. Results: Fifteen articles were identified, of which 13 articles focused on Nigeria; while one focused on Sudan, and one on Côte d'Ivoire and South Africa. Evidence relating to political aspects of social exclusion encompassed marginalization of indigenous communities through land grabs and unequal representation in political decision making. Limited compensation for environmental damage and livelihood displacement caused by oil-extraction, and high rates of unemployment and poverty were key themes of the economic dimension. Evidence of social impacts included lack of government, or oil-industry investment in social infrastructure; poor health and wellbeing linked to land, air, and water pollution; homelessness and lack of social cohesion. The cultural dimension of social exclusion was comparatively underexplored and only six sources included data collection with indigenous residents, and comparatively more sources were written by non-citizens or non-residents of oil-industry affected areas. Major themes included impacts on collective identity, ways of life and values, particularly where loss of ownership or access to land was experienced. Conclusion: Oil industry activities in African countries are clearly associated with multiple exclusionary impacts. However, the narrow body of empirical research limits understanding of the lived experiences and management of social exclusion by residents of oil-rich areas themselves and is an area deserving of further attention

Corruption in Oil Revenue Distribution and Conflict in Bayelsa State, Nigeria

In the last seventeen years, several high level government officials in Nigeria have faced corruption charges totaling $22 trillion dollars related to oil revenues. In Bayelsa State, a Nigerian state that produces oil, officials have been marked with high level corruption in oil revenue. In particular, the state faces constant conflicts among the government, multinational oil corporations, and the people of the state. Based on these observations, this dissertation seeks to understand the relationship between corruption in oil revenue redistribution and perpetuation of conflicts in Bayelsa State of Nigeria. Bayelsa State is one of the nine states in Nigeria’s Niger Delta with abundant crude oil deposits. Oil revenues, which constitute the bulk of Nigerian government revenue, are collected by the federal government and shared among the states of the federation. Since 1996 when Bayelsa State was created, the federal government has allocated to the state a 13% derivation, of excess crude, and statutory allocations share of oil revenues, worth billions of dollars. These allocations are constantly disputed by many local stakeholders of the oil and non-oil producing states. This large amount of petrol-dollars has had little effect on the pervasive unemployment, poverty, environmental degradation, and violent conflicts in the Niger Delta and specifically in Bayelsa State. The state witnesses continued conflicts. I argue that people’s perceptions of corruption create and/or perpetuate conflicts in Bayelsa State. Based on Collier and Hoeffler’s (2005) greed and grievances theory, those who redistribute accruals from oil revenues channel public funds for their private gains (greed) rather than serving the public interests for which they were elected or appointed. I also argue that anti-corruption laws and institutions do not prevent conflict in Bayelsa State. The study’s methodology included interviews of Bayelsans, focus group discussions, and participant observation in oil-bearing and oil-impacted communities in the state, bureaucrats, multinational corporation officials, and politicians in Bayelsa State. The transcripts of these interviews were coded and content analyzed to determine dominant patterns and themes. I found that corruption has created and/or perpetuated a host of conflicts including intra- and inter-community conflicts, conflicts between militants and the government’s military task force, and conflicts between host communities and multinational oil corporations. The majority of citizens who feel deprived of their benefits from oil revenues voiced their dissatisfaction (grievance) with the way oil revenues were redistributed to favor very few Bayelsans. I also found that the perceived forms of corruption weakened anti-corruption laws and institutions thus rendering them ineffective in preventing violent conflicts in Bayelsa State. Based on the findings, I put forward some policy recommendations such as amending existing laws to include life ban on convicted corrupt officials, professionalizing anti-corruption agencies, and restricting the president from unilaterally determining the dismissal of chairpersons of EFCC and ICPC. If these recommendations are adopted, they will curb corruption, strengthen laws and institutions, improve the life of the people, and reduce violent conflicts in Bayelsa State

Oilpolitics and violence in the Niger Delta of Nigeria: the role of regional elite (2005-2016)

The scrambling for oil and the outbreak of violence in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria have attracted the attentions of scholars and policymakers, with most of the research focus on their driving factors. Nonetheless, less attention has been given on the roles played by the elites in generating this conflict. Hence, this study is intended to fill this vacuum by examining the roles of these elites in political and electoral violence and analyzing their demands for resource control and political restructuring of Nigeria. It also assesses the effectiveness or otherwise of the Presidential Amnesty Programme and examines the transparency and accountability of the elites in the management of resources. This study recommends several measures to resolve this conflict. Qualitative method is used in this study to elicit in-depth information on the elites’ role in the Niger Delta conflict. Twelve interviewees took part in the study, and semi-structured interview technique was used for data gathering. Interviews were conducted in four states, with purposive sampling and snowballing techniques were employed in recruiting the participants. The recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim. Thematic analysis technique was used to analyze the data. The findings show that the elites have contributed to the conflict through mismanagement of the region’s resources, and by financing, fraternising and co-opting militia groups into the government. They also spearheaded the upward review of the revenue allocation formula and recommended amnesty for Niger Delta militants. The research findings also demonstrate that multinational oil companies and the Nigerian Federal Government were also responsible for trigering terrorism in the region. Both elite theories - resource control and frustration-aggression theories, together with the theoretical model developed by the researcher, could enhance understanding of this conflict. This study recommends, among others, prudent use of resources, provision of social amenities, monitoring of activities of oil companies and sanctioning of politicians who are found guilty of misusing the youths to incite trouble. The study concludes that for peace to reign in the region, various stakeholders, especially the elites, should muster their political will and show commitment towards regional development through actions rather than just giving rhetorical speech