THE FOUR-FIELD MODEL OF ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE UNITED STATES

This paper assesses the historical and institutional origins of anthropology in the United States in order to understand the development of the four-field model, the persistence of which is considered distinctive of anthropology in the United States. An Atlantic Enlightenment saw the origins of anthropology in the United States. The four fields of anthropology can be traced to the Enlightenment. The four fields were brought together in the context of museums and learned societies in the 19th century United States. The focus of anthropology changed in the early 20th century with the placement of anthropology in the context of the university and the German concept of the defended dissertation as the principal gateway to professionalization (introduced by Boas).  Four-field anthropology programs also existed in diverse countries, but did not persist except in the US beyond the early years of the 20th century. Anthropology in the US as a four-field discipline grew throughout the 1930s. After World War II, the discipline expanded greatly in the United States, partly due to the G.I. Bill as well as to increased demand for anthropology courses. Anthropology continued to grow in terms of numbers of institutions offering the PhD and numbers of new doctorates in the field into the 1970s, stabilizing around 400 per year. The usual rank order in number of doctorates per field per year continues to be the same in the early 2000s as it was thirty years ago: cultural anthropology, archaeology, physical anthropology, linguistic anthropology. The four field unity of the discipline came under critical scrutiny in the late 20th century, with the principal criticism being that the holism of the four fields appears to be a function of 19th century museum mentality, but the four fields regardless of cleavages have nevertheless remained together in the same departments in most universities. That trend appears to be continuing in general at the present time in the United States. Keywords: four fields of anthropology, history of anthropology, US university system.This paper assesses the historical and institutional origins of anthropology in the United States in order to understand the development of the four-field model, the persistence of which is considered distinctive of anthropology in the United States. An Atlantic Enlightenment saw the origins of anthropology in the United States. The four fields of anthropology can be traced to the Enlightenment. The four fields were brought together in the context of museums and learned societies in the 19th century United States. The focus of anthropology changed in the early 20th century with the placement of anthropology in the context of the university and the German concept of the defended dissertation as the principal gateway to professionalization (introduced by Boas). Four-field anthropology programs also existed in diverse countries, but did not persist except in the US beyond the early years of the 20th century. Anthropology in the US as a four-field discipline grew throughout the 1930s. After World War II, the discipline expanded greatly in the United States, partly due to the G.I. Bill as well as to increased demand for anthropology courses. Anthropology continued to grow in terms of numbers of institutions offering the PhD and numbers of new doctorates in the field into the 1970s, stabilizing around 400 per year. The usual rank order in number of doctorates per field per year continues to be the same in the early 2000s as it was thirty years ago: cultural anthropology, archaeology, physical anthropology, linguistic anthropology. The four field unity of the discipline came under critical scrutiny in the late 20th century, with the principal criticism being that the holism of the four fields appears to be a function of 19th century museum mentality, but the four fields regardless of cleavages have nevertheless remained together in the same departments in most universities. That trend appears to be continuing in general at the present time in the United States. Keywords: four fields of anthropology, history of anthropology, US university system

THE MEANING OF “TREE” IN TWO DIFFERENT TUPÍ-GUARANÍ LANGUAGES FROM TWO DIFFERENT NEOTROPICAL FORESTS

Data are presented to show whether the terms for ‘tree’ in two different but related languages, Ka’apor or Urubu-Ka'apor (henceforth, Ka'apor) and Mbya-Guarani (henceforth, Mbya), are in fact cognate terms in having the same intensional meanings. These terms are myra (Ka'apor) and yvyra (Mbya). Data gathered from freelisting exercises among the two groups are compared to knowledge of architecture and dynamics of trees, basal area of trees, and local forestry in the two habitats to determine whether psychological salience rankings of taxa listed in the freelists match features of the environment and of the flora. Psychological salience is inferred by Smith's S. The data indicate that philosophical and linguistic axioms regarding trees as 'big and hard' tend to be supported statistically and ecologically with data from the two different languages in the two different forests of this study. Keywords: tree terms, Tupí-Guaraní languages, philosophical deduction, psychological salienceData are presented to show whether the terms for ‘tree’ in two different but related languages, Ka’apor or Urubu-Ka'apor (henceforth, Ka'apor) and Mbya-Guarani (henceforth, Mbya), are in fact cognate terms in having the same intensional meanings. These terms are myra (Ka'apor) and yvyra (Mbya). Data gathered from freelisting exercises among the two groups are compared to knowledge of architecture and dynamics of trees, basal area of trees, and local forestry in the two habitats to determine whether psychological salience rankings of taxa listed in the freelists match features of the environment and of the flora. Psychological salience is inferred by Smith's S. The data indicate that philosophical and linguistic axioms regarding trees as 'big and hard' tend to be supported statistically and ecologically with data from the two different languages in the two different forests of this study. Keywords: tree terms, Tupí-Guaraní languages, philosophical deduction, psychological salienc

FLORESTAS ANTRÓPICAS NO ACRE: INVENTÁRIO FLORESTAL NO GEOGLIFO TRÊS VERTENTES, ACRELÂNDIA

This article reports results from the first one hectare forest inventory carried out atop a geoglyph. To date almost all the geoglyphs that have been studied have lacked forest cover. The geoglyph of Três Vertentes exhibits no evidence of having been burned or used for agriculture or settlement in the recente past. As such, it is likely the vegetation extant on the geoglyph has beenessentially undisturbed with the possible exception of occasional extractive uses such as hunting of game and scoring of rubber trees (Hevea brasiliensis). The forest of the geoglyph is a vine forest. This is substantiated by the large percentage of dicotyledenous trees covered in vines; the high density and frequency of moraceous species, many of which are vines or stranglers; the high density and frequency of palms, which exclude vines; the high frequencyof wild bananas (Phenakospermum guyannense); the relatively low total basal área and small number of individuals ? 10 cm dbh inside one hectare of forest. What is surprising is the fact that one of every two to three individuals ? 10 cm dbh on the plot represents a new species. The conclusion we draw from these data is that the original engineers and builders of the geoglyphs did not leave a legacy of species poverty and environmental degradation.Keywords: forest inventory, Amazon archeology, biodiversity.O artigo apresenta os resultados do primeiro inventário de um hecta¬re realizado na área de um sítio tipo geoglifo. Até o momento, todos os geoglifos estudados não tinham cobertua vegetal. O geoglifo Três Vertentes não mostra evidência de ter sido queimado ou usado para agricultura ou assentamento no passado recente. Assim, é possível que a vegetação existente sobre o geoglifo não tenha sido perturbada, com a possívele exceção de usos extrativos pela caça ou coleta de látex. Trata-se de uma mata de cipó. Essa conclusão apoia-se na grande proporção de árvores dicotiledôneas cobertas por cipós, com a alta densidade e frequência de moráceas, cuja maior parte é composta por cipós ou trepadeiras. Há grande densidade e frequência de palmeiras excluem cipós, também a alta frequência de bananeiras bravas (Phenakospermum guyannense). Nota-se uma área basal relativamente pequena e o pequeno número de indivíduos com dbh ? 10 cm dentro de um hectare de floresta. É surpreendente o fato de haver uma nova espécie a cada dois ou três in-divíduos com dbh ? 10 cm. A conclusão resultante desses dados é que os engenheiros e construtores oiginais do geoglifo não deixaram como legado pobreza de espécies vegetais e degradação ambiental. Palavras-chave: inventário florestal, arqueologia Amazônica, biodiversidade

Traditional Knowledge of Trees and Cultivated Plants in a Coastal Municipallity in Sao Paulo State, Brazil

Theoretical concepts of Historical Ecology were used to assess the traditional knowledge at one coastal region of São Paulo State, Pedro de Toledo Nucleus, at Serra do Mar State Park. Free listing exercises accessing semantic domains considered relevant to traditional knowledge were applied to local settlers. Forty-two interviews were carried out with adults (between 18 and 75 y.o.) regarding information on cultivated plants and trees that were part of the interviewees’ knowledge and data were analyzed through Smiths’ S, an index of data frequency. Results show that “cultivated plants” and “trees” are high psychological reality domains for that community. Methodological resources of cognitive anthropology which apply to the understanding of historical ecology showed to be high value multidisciplinary tools of easy and broad applicability on ecological studies.Os conceitos teóricos da Ecologia histórica foram utilizados para acessar o conhecimento tradicional em uma região litorânea do estado de São Paulo, Núcleo Pedro de Toledo, no Parque Estadual da Serra do Mar. Exercícios de listagem livre que acessam domínios semânticos considerados relevantes para o conhecimento tradicional foram aplicados aos moradores locais. Quarenta e duas entrevistas foram realizadas com adultos (entre 18 e 75 anos de idade) sobre as plantas cultivadas e árvores na região. Os conhecimentos e os dados dos entrevistados foram analisados através dos Smiths 'S, um índice de frequência de dados. Os resultados mostraram que as plantas cultivadas e árvores são domínios da realidade psicológica para essa comunidade. Recursos metodológicos da antropologia cognitiva que se aplicam para a compreensão da ecologia histórica mostraram-se de alto valor como ferramenta multidisciplinar e de fácil e ampla aplicabilidade em estudos ecológicos

Finding the origin of domestication of cupuaçu requires more than genomics

Colli-Silva et al.1 recently proposed that cupuaçu (Theobroma grandiflorum) was domesticated in northwestern Amazonia as a selection from its sister species, cupuí (T. subincanum). This proposal ignores long-term research in taxonomy, botany, biogeography, and genetics about Theobroma, including cupuaçu. Our review of the research that was ignored and of Colli-Silva et al.’s results demonstrates that cupuaçu is a valid species, as they now agree2, but cupuí may be paraphyletic, the distribution of wild cupuaçu was not included in their samples so the origin of domestication continues unknown, precolonial archaeology lacks remains that can be attributed to either species, historical linguistics indicates that the term cupuaçu references the species’ wild distribution and is a recent introduction in northwestern Amazonia, history suggests that cupuaçu started to be domesticated during the last 100-200 years, and the genomics results are not about the domestication of cupuaçu because it is a valid species and its wild distribution was not sampled

Scientists' Warning to Humanity on Threats to Indigenous and Local Knowledge Systems

The knowledge systems and practices of Indigenous Peoples and local communities play critical roles in safeguarding the biological and cultural diversity of our planet. Globalization, government policies, capitalism, colonialism, and other rapid social-ecological changes threaten the relationships between Indigenous Peoples and local communities and their environments, thereby challenging the continuity and dynamism of Indigenous and Local Knowledge (ILK). In this article, we contribute to the “World Scientists' Warning to Humanity,” issued by the Alliance of World Scientists, by exploring opportunities for sustaining ILK systems on behalf of the future stewardship of our planet. Our warning raises the alarm about the pervasive and ubiquitous erosion of knowledge and practice and the social and ecological consequences of this erosion. While ILK systems can be adaptable and resilient, the foundations of these knowledge systems are compromised by ongoing suppression, misrepresentation, appropriation, assimilation, disconnection, and destruction of biocultural heritage. Three case studies illustrate these processes and how protecting ILK is central to biocultural conservation. We conclude with 15 recommendations that call for the recognition and support of Indigenous Peoples and local communities and their knowledge systems. Enacting these recommendations will entail a transformative and sustained shift in how ILK systems, their knowledge holders, and their multiple expressions in lands and waters are recognized, affirmed, and valued. We appeal for urgent action to support the efforts of Indigenous Peoples and local communities around the world to maintain their knowledge systems, languages, stewardship rights, ties to lands and waters, and the biocultural integrity of their territories—on which we all depend.Peer reviewe