Moralidade política e filosofia econômica nos Diálogos de doutrina democrática (1933), de António Sérgio

Este artigo quer recuperar alguns dos conceitos originais empregados por António Sérgio na obra ‘Diálogos de Doutrina Democrática’, publicada em 1933, numa época de intensa agitação social e instabilidade política em Portugal. No ensaio, pretende-se abordar a defesa da democracia feita por Sérgio – a despeito de todos os constrangimentos ideológicos e físicos do período entre guerras – de uma dúplice perspectiva política e econômica, a fim de tentar captar que tipo de diagnóstico moral subjaz as suas prescrições. Alguns dos paradoxos e das aporias encontradas nos “Diálogos” também serão trazidos à luz neste artigo. Palavras-Chave: Democracia, António Sérgio, Portugal, Socialismo, Capitalismo Abstract This article aims at recovering some of the original concepts employed by António Sérgio in his work ‘Diálogos de Doutrina Democrática’, published in 1933 – a time of social turmoil and political instability in his homeland Portugal. In this review, I intend to approach Sérgio’s case for democracy – despite all the physical and ideological constraints of the interwar period – from a dual economic and political perspective, in order to tentatively apprehend what sort of moral diagnosis lies behind Sérgio’s set of prescriptions. Some of the paradoxes and aporias found in the ‘Diálogo’ are also brought into light in this article. . Key Words: Democracy – António Sérgio – Portugal – Socialism – Capitalis

Entrevista com Ulysses Panisset

Ulysses Panisset é professor da Faculdade de Medicina da UFMG e membro do Comitê Científico para a Saúde Reprodutiva da Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS) – já em seu segundo mandato. Dono de extensa carreira como médico sanitarista, docente, pesquisador e funcionário internacional, Panisset doutorou-se em Relações Internacionais por Johns Hopkins University, sendo também o autor de dezenas de artigos e de uma obra de referência sobre política externa, saúde pública e a construção de um sistema internacional de saúde, publicada nos Estados Unidos [International Health Statecraft: Foreign Policy and Public Health in Peru's Cholera Epidemic, University Press of America, 2000]. Ulysses presenteou-nos, na entrevista que se segue, com opiniões abalizadas e contundentes, calcadas em suas vivências e nos seus estudos internacionais, acerca das possibilidades e dos limites do projeto de “governança democrática global” nas organizações internacionais da saúde – nomeadamente, em OPAS e OMS

International Clientelistic Networks and International Fora: The Case of Venezuela at the United Nationals General Assembly (1999–2015)

In this article, we analyze how Venezuela under Hugo Chávez engaged in international clientelism—the exchange of material benefits for political support—to garner political support from several Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries at the United Nations. The instruments for dispensing this patronage were two regional organizations spearheaded by Venezuela—the Bolivarian Alternative for Our American People (ALBA) and PetroCaribe—which provided material support to smaller countries through the sale of oil at preferential prices. We claim that the reach of Caracas’ diplomatic strategy is broader and deeper than that of simple vote-buying tactics as it involved the promotion of structural rather than contingent ties, shielding Venezuela against unfavorable moves in international fora. An empirical test using data for all LAC countries for the years 1999–2015 confirms that clientelistic linkages produced political support for Venezuela at the United Nations General Assembly, while also moving its partners away from the United States inside that institution

Diplomacy as an Independent Variable

A few years ago, I was commissioned by a Dutch publisher to compose a short biography of Rubens Ricupero for an editorial project on former secretaries-general of international organizations (LOPES, 2015). This offered me the chance to interview this scholarly, polite, and sober character with an impressive career within both domestic and global bureaucracies. It is difficult not to be charmed by his personality. Therefore, like Homer's Ulysses, I confess I had to tie myself to the mast so as not to provide an overly celebratory appraisal of Ricupero's latest work – A Diplomacia na Construção do Brasil: 1750-2016 (Diplomacy in the Building of Brazil: 1750-2016)

Por uma política externa baseada em evidência: política externa como política pública integral e a avaliação como abordagem de pesquisa

One of the greatest shortcomings in Foreign Policy Analysis is the paucity of studies on policyoutput. Moreover, there is an understanding in Brazil that foreign policy, despite a publicpolicy, would preserve some characteristics of State policy. This notion has no heuristicbenefits, as it does not represent the political dynamics and hampers the production of anevidence-based foreign policy. This paper, via literature reviews, contributes to the field ontwo fronts: by presenting a concept of public policy that fully encompasses foreign policy,and by discussing the main models and the validity of evaluation as a research approach.Una de las grandes deficiencias del Análisis de Política Exterior es la escasez de estudiossobre los resultados. Además, existe una comprensión, en Brasil, de que la política exterior,aunque sea una política pública, conservaría características de política de Estado. Estanoción no aporta beneficios heurísticos pues no representa las dinámicas políticas yobstaculiza la producción de una política exterior basada en evidencia. Este paper, viarevisiones bibliográficas, contribuye para el campo en dos frentes: presentando un conceptode política pública que abarca plenamente la política exterior, y debatiendo los principalesmodelos y validez de la evaluación como enfoque de investigación.Uma das maiores deficiências da Análise de Política Externa é escassez de estudos sobre os resultados. Soma-se, ainda, o entendimento, no Brasil, de que a política externa, ainda que seja uma política pública, conservaria características de política de Estado. Essa noção não aporta benefícios heurísticos, por não representar a dinâmica política, e obstaculiza a produção da política externa a partir de evidência. Este artigo, via revisões bibliográficas, contribui para o campo em duas frentes: apresentando um conceito de política pública que abarca integralmente a política externa, e debatendo os principais modelos e a validade da avaliação como abordagem de pesquisa

Myths of multipolarity: the sources of Brazilian overexpansion

We provide a framework to analyze the foreign policy overexpansion of so-called emerging powers during the early 21st century. To do so, we look at the Brazilian case and how domestic actors colluded to foster the myth of an impending multipolarity, which served as the ideological basis for an unsustainable surge in that state’s international ambition. After reviewing the literature that analyzes the phenomenon of overexpansion in world politics, we proceed in four steps. First, we describe the evolution of the “multipolarity myth” in elite discourse and public opinion polls. Second, we trace how specific interest groups logrolled to foster and capitalize on the myth. Third, we document the increase of the diplomatic budget, Presidential trips abroad, state-backed investments overseas, participation in UN peace operations, and other indicators of expansion. Fourth, we use the synthetic control method, a statistical technique, to infer the extent of overexpansion by comparing Brazil with a plausible counterfactual – i.e. a weighted basket of countries with similar characteristics, yet unaffected by the myth. Although our focus is on Brazil, this framework might help understand other unsuccessful emerging powers who have recently experienced similar overexpansion crises

BRAZIL'S RENDITION OF THE 'RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT' DOCTRINE: PROMISING OR STILLBORN DIPLOMATIC PROPOSAL?

Brazil has actively participated in the debate around the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) doctrine. More recently, Brazil has even proposed what it believes to be a new approach—the ‘Responsibility while Protecting’ (RwP) corollary to R2P. By launching its own rendition for R2P, Brazil has attempted to reinforce the role of the UN Security Council in two different ways: First, in restricting the use of force on the grounds of ‘Responsibility to Protect,’ which, according to Brazilian diplomatic reasoning, would hinge upon a multilateral assessment of the situation — a condition expected to considerably diminish the arbitrariness in decision making with respect to the use of force.  Second, Brazil aimed to highlight the necessity of reform in the UNSC, since, from a Brazilian viewpoint, the decisions of this organ must be representative in order to discharge new tasks assigned to it. Notwithstanding, Brazil's diplomatic proposal has arguably failed to gain massive support from the countries that compose the UN Security Council political establishment and seems now to be forgotten. This paper aims to provide an account on the Brazilian reaction to “Responsibility to Protect” and its first consequences