25 research outputs found
The Polish and Hungarian echoes of the Katyń massacre 1943¬–1989
A katyĹ„i mĂ©szárlás a lengyelsĂ©g egyik legnagyobb XX. századi tragĂ©diája. A disszertáciĂł fĹ‘ cĂ©lja annak a kĂĽzdelemnek a bemutatása, melyet a lengyel nĂ©p vĂvott a kĂĽlönbözĹ‘ hatalmi Ă©rdekekkel szemben azĂ©rt, hogy a katyĹ„i mĂ©szárlással kapcsolatban kimondhassa az igazságot. KatyĹ„ ugyanis közel fĂ©l Ă©vszázadon át a nagyhatalmi politika eszközekĂ©nt funkcionált, s a Lengyelországot uralĂł mindenkori elnyomĂł hatalmak propagandagĂ©pezetei kĂ©nyĂĽkre-kedvĂĽkre használták azt pillanatnyi politikai Ă©rdekeik mentĂ©n. KatyĹ„ számtalan szállal kapcsolĂłdik Magyarországhoz is, Ăgy Ă©rdemes megismerkednĂĽnk az ĂĽgy magyar fogadtatástörtĂ©netĂ©vel is. Vizsgálatunk elsĹ‘ nagy fejezetekĂ©nt KatyĹ„ második világháborĂşs lengyel fogadtatástörtĂ©netĂ©vel foglalkoztunk három fĹ‘bb szempont alapján: a propagandacĂ©lokat, a tĂ©ma megjelenĂ©sĂ©nek sajátosságait Ă©s annak a lengyel közvĂ©lemĂ©nyre gyakorolt hatását figyelembe vĂ©ve. Vizsgálatunk eredmĂ©nyekĂ©ppen kijelenthettĂĽk, hogy a lengyel-szovjet kapcsolatok megromlása volt a goebbelsi propaganda egyetlen jelentĹ‘s eredmĂ©nye a katyĹ„i ĂĽgyet illetĹ‘en, ugyanis emellett a nĂ©metek sem a közvĂ©lemĂ©ny meggyĹ‘zĂ©sĂ©t, sem pedig saját bűneinek elfedĂ©sĂ©t nem Ă©rtĂ©k el. EgyedĂĽl a nemzeti ellenállĂł szervezetek sajtĂłja Ă©s propagandája volt elfogadhatĂł a lakosság többsĂ©ge számára, a kommunista ellenállĂł szervezetek pedig kompromittálták magukat azzal, hogy a katyĹ„i ĂĽgyben a gyilkosok mellĂ© álltak. A tĂ©ma háborĂş alatti magyar fogtatástörtĂ©netĂ©t vizsgálva arra a következtetĂ©sre juthatunk, hogy a magyar közvĂ©lemĂ©ny többsĂ©gĂ©nek sem volt kĂ©rdĂ©ses a szovjetek bűnössĂ©ge. Habár fontos megemlĂteni, hogy a nĂ©metek Magyarországon nĂ©mileg többet Ă©rtek el propagandájukkal, mint Lengyelországban. A katyĹ„i mĂ©szárlás hazánkban egyfajta "Ă©bresztĹ‘kĂ©nt" is hatott, s a tömegmĂ©szárlás egyfajta jelkĂ©pĂ©vĂ© vált. A front közeledtĂ©vel pedig mindkĂ©t országban megjelent az Ăşn. KatyĹ„-szindrĂłma. Ă–sszegezve kijelenthetjĂĽk, hogy a magyar sajtĂł váltakozĂł Ă©rdeklĹ‘dĂ©se Ă©s a magyar közvĂ©lemĂ©ny "szemĂ©lyes Ă©rintettsĂ©gĂ©nek" hiánya ellenĂ©re KatyĹ„ nem csupán egy háborĂşs szenzáciĂł szintjĂ©n kerĂĽlt be a korabeli köztudatba, de az eset sokáig fenntartotta a közvĂ©lemĂ©ny Ă©rdeklĹ‘dĂ©sĂ©t Ă©s a tömegsĂrok a SzovjetuniĂł bűnössĂ©gĂ©nek egyik fĹ‘ jelkĂ©pĂ©vĂ© váltak Magyarországon is. A tĂ©ma háborĂş utáni fogadtatástörtĂ©netĂ©t kĂ©t rĂ©szre bontva vizsgáltuk meg, elĹ‘ször a sztálinista Bierut-rendszerre, majd a Lengyel NĂ©pköztársaság 1956–1989 közti idĹ‘szakára koncentrálva. A kommunista Lengyelország elsĹ‘ Ă©vtizedĂ©ben az általános tĂ©vhittel szemben mĂ©g nem a következetes cenzĂşra Ă©s elnyomás Ă©rvĂ©nyesĂĽlt, a kĂĽlföldi esemĂ©nyekhez kapcsolĂłdva (NĂĽrnberg, Madden-bizottság) ugyanis saját "igazának" alátámasztására a hatalom idĹ‘nkĂ©nt mĂ©gis foglalkozott a katyĹ„i ĂĽggyel. A közvĂ©lemĂ©ny kommunistaellenes magatartása Ă©s a kĂ©rdĂ©s "kĂ©nyes" mivolta azonban vĂ©gĂĽl azt eredmĂ©nyezte, hogy az ĂĽgyet mindig visszatemettĂ©k a cenzĂşra leple alá. Miután pedig kiderĂĽlt, hogy a kĂĽlföldi "rágalmakkal" szemben folytatott ellenpropaganda nem csak hatástalan, de mĂ©g a lengyel társadalom belsĹ‘ feszĂĽltsĂ©geit is növeli, egyĂ©rtelműen a hallgatás mellett döntött a párt vezetĂ©se. Az ĂĽgy háborĂş utáni magyar megĂtĂ©lĂ©sĂ©vel kapcsolatban összegezve azt állapĂthattuk meg, hogy a magyar közvĂ©lemĂ©nybĹ‘l mĂ©g ekkor sem, a tiltások ellenĂ©re sem kopott ki a tömeggyilkosság emlĂ©ke. Ahogy az a visszaemlĂ©kezĂ©sekbĹ‘l is kiderĂĽl, a kĂ©rdĂ©s a lengyelek melletti szolidaritás kifejezĂ©sĂ©nek eszközĂ©vĂ© is vált, bár nem tett szert olyan nagy jelentĹ‘sĂ©gre, mint Lengyelországban. Láthattuk, hogy 1956 után Lengyelországban a hatalom álláspontja az ĂĽgyben kĂ©t vĂ©gpont közt rekedt meg: a teljes igazság nyilvánosságra hozásátĂłl Ăłdzkodtak, a teljes tiltás pedig kudarcba fulladt. ĂŤgy hát a tĂ©ma a továbbiakban egyfajta furcsa "kettĹ‘s Ă©letet" Ă©lt: az állam cenzĂşrát vezetett be, a földalatti szervezetek pedig igyekeztek ezt megtörni. A kommunista vezetĂ©s tehát a "harmadik utat" választotta, mely folyamatos konfliktusokat eredmĂ©nyezve szempontjukbĂłl a legrosszabb döntĂ©snek bizonyult. Mindent összevetve elmondhatĂł, hogy KatyĹ„ egy olyan jelkĂ©ppĂ© vált, mely egysĂ©gbe tömörĂtette a rendszer ellen tiltakozĂłkat, s egyĂşttal az ellenállási mozgalmak egyfajta katalizátorakĂ©nt is működött. KatyĹ„ tehát Ăłriási szerepet töltött be a Lengyel NĂ©pköztársaság ellenzĂ©kĂ©nek gondolkodásában, jelkĂ©pes összetartĂł kapoccsá Ă©s mozgatĂłrugĂłvá válva, melynek eredmĂ©nyekĂ©nt vĂ©gĂĽl a kommunista párt már kĂ©ptelen volt tovább fenntartani az elnyomás Ă©s a hazugság rendszerĂ©t. Vizsgálatunkat vĂ©gĂĽl a tĂ©ma 1956-1989 közti magyar emlĂ©kezetĂ©vel Ă©s rendszerváltás utáni felszabadulásának bemutatásával zártuk. Elmondhatjuk, hogy a katyĹ„i mĂ©szárlás tĂ©nye Magyarországon a Kádár-rendszer alatt is a közemlĂ©kezetben maradt - mĂ©g annak ellenĂ©re is, hogy Lengyelországgal összevetve csak alig kapott nyilvánosságot. Munkánk eredmĂ©nyeit összegezve kijelenthetjĂĽk, hogy a tömegsĂrok 1943-as felfedezĂ©se után közel fĂ©l Ă©vszázadon át kĂĽlönbözĹ‘ nagyhatalmak igyekeztek meghatározni a közvĂ©lemĂ©ny katyĹ„i mĂ©szárlásrĂłl alkotott kĂ©pĂ©t mindkĂ©t országban. Világos, hogy a mĂ©szárlás elsĹ‘sorban a lengyel nĂ©p tudatában maradt meg fájĂł emlĂ©kkĂ©nt, de az is kĂ©tsĂ©gtelen, hogy a magyar közvĂ©lemĂ©ny tĂşlnyomĂł többsĂ©ge is mindvĂ©gig tisztában volt Ă©pp Ăşgy az eset jelentĹ‘sĂ©gĂ©vel, mint a valĂłdi bűnös (a SzovjetuniĂł) kilĂ©tĂ©vel. ĂŤgy hát vĂ©gĂĽl pedig egyik nagyhatalom sem tudta az igazságot "megváltoztatni". Habár a tragĂ©diához valĂł kötĹ‘dĂ©sĂĽk rĂ©vĂ©n a lengyelek voltak a katyĹ„i igazság legharcosabb követelĹ‘i Ă©s vĂ©delmezĹ‘i, nem szabad elfelejtkeznĂĽnk arrĂłl sem, hogy számos magyar is kiállt a lengyelek igazsága mellett.The KatyĹ„ massacre is one of the biggest tragedies that the Poles had to suffer in the 20st century. The basic aim of the dissertation is to unfold the history of the struggle that took place between the Polish people and various political interests that tried to conquer Poland, the struggle that's main goal was to be able to speak out the truth about the KatyĹ„ massacre. KatyĹ„ namely played the role of a good instrument of propaganda for almost fifty years - the powers that tried to dominate Poland used it along their actual political interests without trying to reveal the truth. KatyĹ„ had a huge influence on the Hungarian public opinion, as well and it is worth to examine the Hungarian echoes of the massacre, too. We began our work with the Polish wartime recetipon history of the massacre focusing on three aspects: the goals of the propaganda, the ways how the topic appeared, and the effects it triggered. As a result of our investigation we can say, that the only significant result of the German propaganda-campaign was the breakdown of the Polish-Soviet relations, as Germans could not persuade the public opinion about their truth, and they also failed in glossing their own war crimes over. Only the press and propaganda of the patriotic resistant organisations remained acceptable for the majority of the Poles, and the communist underground organisations compromised themselves by standing up for the Soviet opinion. After examining the wartime Hungarian reception history of the topic we can come to the conclusion, that the Hungarian public opinion treated the case as a Soviet crime too. However compared to Poland, German propaganda could achieve a bit more in Hungary, but based on plain fear. The news of the massacre acted alarming in Hungary, and KatyĹ„ turned to a symbol of mass murder. And as the war front got closer to the borders, the so called KatyĹ„-sydrom appeared in both countries. In general we can clearly state, that despite the fluctuating interest of the Hungarian press and despite the "distance" of the tragedy, KatyĹ„ meant for Hungarians far more than a "war-sensation", and its Hungarian aspects could maintain interest in the topic for a long time - and KatyĹ„ became a symbol of the Soviet Union's guilt in Hungary, too. We reviewed the postwar Polish reception history of the case focusing fist on the stalinist Bierut-system, then on the People's Republic of Poland (1956-1989). In opposite to the widespreadly appearing misbelief, in the first decade of the communist led Poland the system of censorship and opression was still not consistent, namely the state power was willing to deal with the KatyĹ„ case in connection with foreign events (Nuremberg, Madden-committee) just to try proving his "right". The anti-commmunist attitude of the Polish public opinion and the fact that KatyĹ„ remained a highly "sensitive" topic for the Polish communists made the politics to bury the topic underneath the veil of censorship again and again. And after it turned out that the counterpropaganda against the foreign "accusations" is not only ineffective, but even increases the internal tensions of the society, they decided not to mention the case once again. Regarding the Hungarian reception of the issue between 1945-1956 we can say, that the memory of the mass murder was still "alive" in public opinion - even despite that the Hungarian communists finally decided to ban the whole topic too. As it turned out of the recollections, the case remained a mean of expressing solidarity towards the Poles, too. Of course the topic was not of such importance as in Poland - simply because the Hungarian society was not affected. We could see, the standpoint of the Polish government regarding the KatyĹ„ case got stuck between two endpoints after 1956: they were unwilling to unveil the truth, but they were not able successfully ban the topic as well. They have chosen the "third way", that proved to be the worst option for them: they had to face continuus conflicts. All in all we can say, that in Poland KatyĹ„ became a symbol that brought the protesters together to a strong unity. KatyĹ„ not only played a unifying role, but the struggle with the KatyĹ„ lie also enforced hope in getting to the common goal. So the KatyĹ„ issue served as a catalyst of resistance movements, and at the same time it had a postive effect on the unveiling of the truth as well, since the truth about KatyĹ„ became more and more discussed and accepted as well trough this process. KatyĹ„ filled an important role in the thinking of the opposition in the People's Republic of Poland and it became a cohesive factor and catalyst of movements that finally achieved the situation when the communist party just could not maintain the system of lies and oppession anymore. We ended our investigation with presenting the Hungarian memory of the massacre (1956-1989). In conclusion we can say, that although the Hungarian "official history" and political literature lied about the issue, the KatyĹ„ massacre remained in the common memory of the Hungarians (with the help of Polish underground organisations) even under the Kádár-era - despite that it was not so well known as in Poland. To summarize the results of our work we can say, that after the discovery of the KatyĹ„ graves in 1943, the issue became a mean of propaganda in the eyes of the superpowers that ruled both countries. It is clear, that the case remained a painful memory mainly in the common sense of the Polish society, but it is unquestionable as well, that the Hungarians were aware of the importance of the case and the guilt of the Soviet Union, too. As a conclusion, we can state that none of the leading superpowers managed to "change the truth". However the Poles were the most resolute defenders of the truth about KatyĹ„, we should not forget that lot of Hungarians stood up for the truth of the Poles, as well
Selection criteria for preoperative endoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography before laparoscopic cholecystectomy and endoscopic treatment of bile duct stones. Results of a retrospective; single center study between 1996-2002
AIM: The optimal treatment for bile duct stones (in terms of cost, complications and accuracy) is unclear. The aim of our study was to determine the predictive factors for preoperative endoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography (ERCP).
METHODS: Patients undergoing preoperative ERCP (= 8 mm) and/or stone at US examination, coexisting acute pancreatitis and/or acute pancreatitis or jaundice in patient's history. Suspected prognostic factors and the combination of factors were compared to the result of ERCP.
RESULTS: Two hundred and six preoperative ERCPs were performed during the observed period. The rate of successful cannulation for ERC was (97.1%). Bile duct stones were detected in 81 patients (39.3%), and successfully removed in 79 (97.5%). The number of prognostic factors correlated with the presence of bile duct stones. The positive predictive value for one prognostic factor was 1.2%, for two 43%, for three 72.5%, for four or more 91.4%.
CONCLUSION: Based on our data preoperative ERCP is highly recommended in patients with three or more positive factors (high risk patients). In contrast, ERCP is not indicated in patients with zero or one factor (low risk patients). Preoperative ERCP should be offered to patients with two positive factors (moderate risk patients), however the practice should also be based on the local conditions (e.g. skill of the endoscopist, other diagnostic tools)
The first in situ Old Stone Age assemblage from the Rába Valley, Northwestern Hungary
Due to the construction of the M86 motorway, intensive quarrying activity started at several locations of the Rába Valley in Northwestern Hungary. This undertaking provided the discovery of a new archaeological site near the village of Páli in August 2014. During the rescue excavation, a rich lithic assemblage was unearthed, suggesting a human occupation related to the Epipalaeolithic–Early Mesolithic period. It is the first in situ site preceding the Neolithic in the region.</p
Flow-Reversal Experiments with Macromolecules to Measure Column End Efficiency and Bed Heterogeneity
The knapped stone assemblage from Boldogkőváralja in the light of a new statistical evaluation
One of the most famous knapped stone assemblages, the 566 intact blades found in a large vessel at BoldogkőváraljaTekeres-patak, dated to the Bükk culture (5200–5000 BC) has been at the forefront of the research for decades.
Our intention was three-fold when we decided to reevaluate this fnd. First, with the publication of the conjoining
workshop material, we wanted to draw more attention to the whole assemblage and not just only to the depot.
Second, the deliberate selection of the artefacts found in the jar has been suggested since the 1960s, which, in our
opinion, can be tested by deep statistical analysis. Third, when VĂ©rtes applied parametric and non-parametric
statistical analyses on knapped stone assemblages, he ventured into a brand new branch of archaeological
investigation, not just in Hungary. Unfortunately, the pioneering attempts of VĂ©rtes were not followed for many
decades. Our results suggest that the intact blades of the depot difered from each other signifcantly by their
butt preparation because the pieces with dihedral butts are signifcantly wider than the others. On contrary, the
length and the thickness of unbroken blades are homogenous, irrespective of preparation techniques. Concerning
the diferent butt types across the whole assemblage, blades with plain butts are the most numerous in the depot
and the workshops, but other, more thorough preparation occurred at a decreased rate in the workshops. At the
same time, the diferent preparation types are evenly distributed in the four workshops, there are no signifcant
diferences between them
A Soft Computing Method for Efficient Modelling of Smart Cities Noise Pollution
Noise pollution is one of the most relevant problems in urban area. The main source of noise pollution is the number and type of motor vehicles, but other parameters depending on street configuration yield to a system hardly to be exactly modelled by classical mathematical methods. Smart cities are expected to dynamically control the urban traffic to reduce not just traffic jams, but also to ensure a comfortable noise level for inhabitants.
This article gives a design method for efficient genetic fuzzy modelling of traffic generated smart cities noise pollution based on fuzzy logic, multi objective genetic algorithm, gradient descent optimisation and singular value decomposition in the MATLAB environment. Genetic algorithms with objectives to minimise the maximum absolute identification error, the root mean square of the identification error, reduce model complexity and ensure maximal numerical robustness are applied to Zadeh type fuzzy partition membership function parameters preliminary identification, and then gradient descent method is used for their fine-tuning optimization, while the fuzzy rule consequence linear parameters are calculated by singular value decomposition method to find the least squares optimal training data fitting of the model. The training data set is built from measured data, combined with carefully selected simulation data to ensure the completeness of the model and its numerical robustness.
Detailed analysis of the method and results by computer simulation of the identification process show the validity of the proposed method