61,533 research outputs found

    Contribution to the aquatic beetle, aquatic and semiaquatic bug fauna of HernĂĄd and its environments, NE Hungary (Coleoptera: Hydradephaga, Palpicornia; Heteroptera: Nepomorpha, Gerromorpha)

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    Collecting data of 76 species of water beetles (9 Haliplidae, 21 Dytiscidae, 2 Noteridae, 2 Gyrinidae, 2 Hydrochidae, 13 Helophoridae, 27 Hydrophilidae) and 20 species of water bugs (1 Mesoveliidae, 1 Hydrometridae, 1 Veliidae, 5 Gerridae, 2 Nepidae, 6 Corixidae, 1 Naucoridae, 2 Notonectidae, 1 Pleidae) are given from 27 localities in HernĂĄd valley and its surroundings. Helophorus rufipes (Bosc d`Antic, 1791) is new to the fauna of Hungary

    Multi-level fiscal system in Bosnia and Herzegovina: evolution and coping with economic crisis

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    Fiscal federalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina is characterized by multi-level asymmetric architecture of government sector and a high degree of fiscal decentralization. Reform of indirect taxation has resulted in centralization of the major part of the revenues in B&H and induced a high degree of fiscal interdependence of governments. In the absence of national economic and fiscal goals and fiscal coordination required during the global economic crisis, strong autonomous activities of the Entities and District have been expressed. Uncoordinated and divergent responses to the crisis in addition to distorting the achieved degree of tax harmonization within B&H has led to a widening fiscal deficit and the rapid growth of borrowing at all levels of government. The aim of this paper is to propose a new model of fiscal coordination in B&H that would mitigate the negative effects of fiscal decentralization on macroeconomic management. The key hypothesis is that, in given political constraints, only a concept of fiscal federalism that includes comprehensive, institutionalized and obligatory fiscal coordination can ensure a coherent response to the crisis

    The Expression of the Subjuntive in Older French

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    Aquest article examina la relació entre l'expressió del subjuntiu i la manca d'obviació del subjecte en francès antic. En primer lloc, demostro que les solucions que es basen en la rivalitat subjuntiu/infinitiu no poden explicar les dades del francès antic; tambÊ sostinc que si bÊ T Ês anàfòric a les clàusules de subjuntiu, aquest tret no Ês directament responsable de l'obviació del subjecte. Basant-me en Progovac (1993), proposo que la manca d'obviació del subjecte en francès antic depèn de la visibilitat d'un sintagma de mode (MoodP). En francès antic, el verb principal no selecciona el mode subjuntiu; en conseqßència, MoodP ha de ser visible a la FL perquè el tret [-realitzat] que porta no Ês recuperable. La manca d'obviació del subjecte es deu al fet que MoodP, que Ês visible, lliga T [+anàfora] i limita el domini de lligam a la clàusula de subjuntiu subordinada. En francès modem, MoodP pot ser recuperat per tal com el subjuntiu sí que Ês seleccionat pel verb principal. A conseqßència d'això, el domini de lligam de T s'amplia a la clàusula principal i es donen els efectes propis de l'obviació del subjecte

    En Joan Viguer i Pous (a) Jan Sabater de Rupit

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    UN ANTIC GUIA DEL COLLSACABR

    The Romantic Heritage and the Concept of the Post-Romantic in Literature and Music

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    Zadanie pt. „Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki” nr 885/P-DUN/2014 dofinansowane zostało ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej nauk

    Living in the age of Axis internationalism: Imagining Europe in Serbia before and during the Second World War

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    This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from SAGE Publications via the DOI in this recordThis article explores how 'European civilization' was imagined on the margins of Europe in the first half of the twentieth century, and how Balkan intellectuals saw their own societies' place in it in the context of interwar crises and WWII occupation. It traces the interwar development and wartime transformation of the intellectual debates regarding the modernization of Serbia/Yugoslavia, the role of the Balkans in the broader European culture, and the most appropriate path to becoming a member of the 'European family of nations.' In the first half of the article, I focus on the inter-war Serbian intelligentsia, and their discussions of various forms of international cultural, political and civilizational links and settings. These discussions centrally addressed the issue of Yugoslavia's (and Serbia's) 'Europeanness' and cultural identity in the context of the East-West symbolic and the state's complex cultural-historical legacies. Such debates demonstrated how frustrating the goal of Westernization and Europeanization turned out to be for Serbian intellectuals. After exploring the conundrums and seemingly insoluble contradictions of interwar modernization/Europeanization discussions, the article then goes on to analyze the dramatic changes in such intellectual outlooks after 1941, asking how Europe and European cultural/political integration were imagined in occupied Serbia, and whether the realities of the occupation could accommodate these earlier debates. Serbia can provide an excellent case study for exploring how the brutal Nazi occupation policies affected collaborationist governments, and how the latter tried to make sense of their troubled inclusion in the racial ideology of the New European Order under the German leadership. Was Germany's propaganda regarding European camaraderie taken seriously by any of the local actors? What did the Third Reich's dubious internationalism mean in the east and south-east of Europe, and did it have anything to offer to the intelligentsia as well as the population at larg

    Raising a true socialist individual: Yugoslav psychoanalysis and the creation of democratic Marxist citizens

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    This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Taylor & Francis (Routledge) via the DOI in this record.This article explores the surprisingly successful development of psychoanalysis in socialist Yugoslavia, and the discipline’s relationship with both Western paradigms and Yugoslavia’s own theory of workers’ self-management. The article focuses primarily on child psychotherapy and psychoanalysis, and their attempts at reforming traditional Balkan ‘authoritarian’ families and helping raise democratic Marxist citizens. It argues that Yugoslav psychiatrists and psychoanalysts developed their own version of revolutionary and activist psychoanalysis, which was meant to contribute to a broad political and cultural discussion in Yugoslavia about constructing a society based on genuine Marxist collective and individual emancipation, an alternative to both Stalinist state socialism and Western capitalism/liberal democracy. Many psychiatrists, psychotherapists and psychoanalysts used overtly political language to frame their professional aims and experiences, and turned their consulting rooms into revolutionary sites. West European practices and theories of child psychoanalysis and psychotherapy figured prominently in Yugoslav clinical discussions and practice, but they were regularly linked to the broader goals of Marxist revolutionary politics, workers' self-management or socialist struggle against patriarchy or ‘bureaucratised’ political relations. For that reason, the Yugoslav experiment, in which a new activist psychoanalysis became mainstream and state-funded psychotherapy, remains central to understanding the role of psychoanalysis as a tool for socio-political critique and activism in the second half of the twentieth century
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