Skutki Arabskiej Wiosny z perspektywy izraelskiej

During the first days of the Arab Spring many hoped that the series of protests and revolutions could bring a wave of democracy and stability to the Middle East. Such an outcome would have been greatly welcomed by the Israelis, who have been surrounded by enemies for years. Yet, more than two and a half years after the Arab Spring began, its effects for the Jewish state are far from satisfying, to say the least. The turmoil in Egypt, Israel’s western neighbor, resulted in Hosni Mubarak’s fall from power. While the former president might not have been one of Tel Aviv’s favorites, he was undoubtedly a fairly reliable partner. The subsequent rise of the Muslim Brotherhood was regarded as a threat to Israel`s security. Even after the July 2013 coup d’etat, which ended the organization`s rule over Egypt, the future of Israeli-Egyptian relations remains uncertain. Also problematic is the situation behind Israel`s northern border. While the Jewish state is not directly involved in the Syrian civil war, it still poses a potential danger for the Israelis as more and more Islamists and radicals are partaking in the struggle against Bashar al-Assad. If the Syrian president falls, these groups may try to seize power or engage in hostile activities against Israel. Moreover, it is possible that the unrest could spill-over to Lebanon, which would also affect Israel’s national During the first days of the Arab Spring many hoped that the series of protests and revolutions could bring a wave of democracy and stability to the Middle East. Such an outcome would have been greatly welcomed by the Israelis, who have been surrounded by enemies for years. Yet, more than two and a half years after the Arab Spring began, its effects for the Jewish state are far from satisfying, to say the least. The turmoil in Egypt, Israel’s western neighbor, resulted in Hosni Mubarak’s fall from power. While the former president might not have been one of Tel Aviv’s favorites, he was undoubtedly a fairly reliable partner. The subsequent rise of the Muslim Brotherhood was regarded as a threat to Israel`s security. Even after the July 2013 coup d’etat, which ended the organization`s rule over Egypt, the future of Israeli-Egyptian relations remains uncertain. Also problematic is the situation behind Israel`s northern border. While the Jewish state is not directly involved in the Syrian civil war, it still poses a potential danger for the Israelis as more and more Islamists and radicals are partaking in the struggle against Bashar al-Assad. If the Syrian president falls, these groups may try to seize power or engage in hostile activities against Israel. Moreover, it is possible that the unrest could spill-over to Lebanon, which would also affect Israel’s nationa

Polityka Izraela wobec Strefy Gazy po 2005 r.

The 2005 Israeli disengagement from the Gaza Strip dramatically changed the political situation of said territory. Due to the poor economic situation of its inhabitants, itself caused by years of Israeli policy of isolation, and general perception of being mistreated by the Israeli government, the power vacuum created in the wake of the withdrawal was filled by Hamas. The fundamentalists took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007, which caused the decision-makers in Tel Aviv to take radical measures to deal with the organization. A tight blockade of the Gaza Strip was introduced and while it may have curbed some of Hamas activities, it also worsened the living conditions of the inhabitants, creating a humanitarian crisis. Israeli policy has been criticized by many members of the international community. Moreover, Tel Aviv carried out several military operations, two of which (“Cast Lead” in 2008/2009 and “Protective Edge” in 2014) were characterized by signifi cantly high numbers of civilian deaths. All of these actions, aimed at eliminating terrorists and improving Israeli citizens` security, seem to be rather short-sighted. Israeli policy only popularizes Hamas propaganda among Palestinians, therefore strengthening the organization and creating a vicious circle of misery and violence

Tętnicze przeszczepy allogeniczne w leczeniu chorych z zakażonymi protezami naczyniowymi - propozycja nowego sposobu konserwacji allograftów

Background. The aim of this work was to evaluate the efficacy of treating patients with infected vascular prosthesis using allografts preserved by the method of cold ischemia. A proposal of a new way to preserve allografts is also presented. Material and methods. Arterial allografts preserved by means of cold ischemia (4°C for 7 days) have been introduced in treating patients with infected vascular prosthesis in the Department of Vascular Surgery and Transplantology of the Medical University in Bialystok since May 2002. Until now, 13 patients have been treated by this method. The time elapsed from the first symptom of the infection ranged from 3 months to 6 years. The surgical procedures included the removal of infected prosthesis and simultaneous implantation of arterial allograft. Results. A complete recovery was obtained in nine patients. Four patients had to be operated again. A complication of allograft thrombosis was observed in two patients, one patient showed dehiscence of the distal anastomosis, and, in another patient the peripheral allograft wall was interrupted in the site of collateral vessels ligation. Four patients died during the early postoperative period. Conclusion. The use of arterial allografts is a successful way of treating vascular prosthesis infections. It is profitable to preserve arterial allografts in cold ischemia for the prolonged time of 7 days as the initial preparation for deep freeze.Wstęp. Celem pracy była ocena skuteczności leczenia chorych z zakażeniem protez naczyniowych przy użyciu allograftów konserwowanych metodą zimnego niedokrwienia. Przedstawiono w niej również propozycję nowego sposobu konserwacji allograftów. Materiał i metody. Od maja 2002 r. w Klinice Chirurgii Naczyń i Transplantacji Akademii Medycznej w Białymstoku wprowadzono metodę leczenia chorych z zakażeniem protez naczyniowych przy użyciu tętniczych allograftów konserwowanych metodą zimnego niedokrwienia (4°C przez 7 dni). Dotychczas leczono tym sposobem 13 chorych. Czas od pierwotnej operacji do wystąpienia objawów zakażenia wynosił od 3 miesięcy do 6 lat. Operacje naprawcze polegały na usunięciu zakażonej protezy i zastąpienie jej allograftem tętniczym. Wyniki. Całkowite wyleczenie uzyskano u 9 operowanych chorych; 4 pacjentów wymagało reoperacji. W 2 przypadkach doszło do zakrzepicy allograftu, u 1 chorego wystąpiło rozejście się dystalnego zespolenia, u 1 osoby wystąpiło przerwanie ściany w obwodowej części allograftu w miejscu odejścia podwiązanej bocznicy. We wczesnym okresie pooperacyjnym zmarło 4 chorych. Wnioski. Zastosowanie allogenicznych przeszczepów tętniczych stanowi skuteczną metodę leczenia chorych z zakażeniami protez naczyniowych. Korzystne jest zastosowanie wydłużonego do 7 dni czasu konserwacji allograftów tętniczych metodą zimnego niedokrwienia jako wstępnego przygotowania do późniejszego ich przechowywania w stanie zamrożenia

Terapia podciśnieniowa jako metoda leczenia zakażonych ran po przeszczepieniu nerki — opisy przypadków i przegląd piśmiennictwa

Zaburzenia gojenia się ran są częstym powikłaniem chirurgicznym po przeszczepieniu nerki (KTx). Wiek, otyłość i leczenie immunosupresyjne, a także pooperacyjny przeciek moczu oraz przedłużające się krwawienie to czynniki zwiększające ryzyko pooperacyjnych powikłań infekcyjnych. Nowa metoda leczenia ran podciśnieniem (NPWT) cechuje się potwierdzoną skutecznością zarówno w leczeniu przewlekłych, jak i ostrych ran, jednak jej przydatność u pacjentów po przeszczepieniu nerki nie została udowodniona. Autorzy przedstawili dwa przypadki kliniczne z zastosowaniem leczenia ran podciśnieniem we wczesnym i późnym okresie pooperacyjnym. Metoda ta powinna być rozważana jako opłacalna opcja terapeutyczna u biorców nerki lub innych pacjentów leczonych immunosupresyjnie z trudno gojącymi się ranami

Search for heavy neutral leptons decaying into muon-pion pairs in the MicroBooNE detector

We present upper limits on the production of heavy neutral leptons (HNLs) decaying to mu p pairs using data collected with the MicroBooNE liquid-argon time projection chamber (TPC) operating at Fermilab. This search is the first of its kind performed in a liquid-argon TPC. We use data collected in 2017 and 2018 corresponding to an exposure of 2.0 x 10(20) protons on target from the Fermilab Booster Neutrino Beam, which produces mainly muon neutrinos with an average energy of approximate to 800 MeV. HNLs with higher mass are expected to have a longer time of flight to the liquid-argon TPC than Standard Model neutrinos. The data are therefore recorded with a dedicated trigger configured to detect HNL decays that occur after the neutrino spill reaches the detector. We set upper limits at the 90% confidence level on the element vertical bar U-mu 4 vertical bar(2) of the extended PMNS mixing matrix in the range vertical bar U-mu 4 vertical bar(2) <(6.6-0.9) x 10(-7) for Dirac HNLs and vertical bar U-mu 4 vertical bar(2) <(4.7-0.7) x 10(-7) for Majorana HNLs, assuming HNL masses between 260 and 385 MeV and vertical bar U-e4 vertical bar(2) = vertical bar U-tau 4 vertical bar(2) = 0

The effects of the Arab Spring from the Israeli perspective

During the first days of the Arab Spring many hoped that the series of protests and revolutions could bring a wave of democracy and stability to the Middle East. Such an outcome would have been greatly welcomed by the Israelis, who have been surrounded by enemies for years. Yet, more than two and a half years after the Arab Spring began, its effects for the Jewish state are far from satisfying, to say the least. The turmoil in Egypt, Israel’s western neighbor, resulted in Hosni Mubarak’s fall from power. While the former president might not have been one of Tel Aviv’s favorites, he was undoubtedly a fairly reliable partner. The subsequent rise of the Muslim Brotherhood was regarded as a threat to Israel`s security. Even after the July 2013 coup d’etat, which ended the organization`s rule over Egypt, the future of Israeli-Egyptian relations remains uncertain. Also problematic is the situation behind Israel`s northern border. While the Jewish state is not directly involved in the Syrian civil war, it still poses a potential danger for the Israelis as more and more Islamists and radicals are partaking in the struggle against Bashar al-Assad. If the Syrian president falls, these groups may try to seize power or engage in hostile activities against Israel. Moreover, it is possible that the unrest could spill-over to Lebanon, which would also affect Israel’s national security. Overall, Israel feels threatened by the Islamist rise in the Middle East caused by the Arab Spring. It must also be noted that the Arab Spring pressured the Palestinian leaders to become more active on the issue of Palestine’s independence. As a result, the UN recognized Palestine as a non-member observer state in late 2012. The mounting international pressure on Israel is very inconvenient for the Netanyahu government as it is not ready to make any serious concessions

Israel`s policy towards the Gaza Strip after 2005

The 2005 Israeli disengagement from the Gaza Strip dramatically changed the political situation of said territory. Due to the poor economic situation of its inhabitants, itself caused by years of Israeli policy of isolation, and general perception of being mistreated by the Israeli government, the power vacuum created in the wake of the withdrawal was filled by Hamas. The fundamentalists took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007, which caused the decision-makers in Tel Aviv to take radical measures to deal with the organization. A tight blockade of the Gaza Strip was introduced and while it may have curbed some of Hamas activities, it also worsened the living conditions of the inhabitants, creating a humanitarian crisis. Israeli policy has been criticized by many members of the international community. Moreover, Tel Aviv carried out several military operations, two of which (“Cast Lead” in 2008/2009 and “Protective Edge” in 2014) were characterized by significantly high numbers of civilian deaths. All of these actions, aimed at eliminating terrorists and improving Israeli citizens' security, seem to be rather short-sighted. Israeli policy only popularizes Hamas propaganda among Palestinians, therefore strengthening the organization and creating a vicious circle of misery and violence