Bobbio interprete di Locke e del giusnaturalismo moderno

In uno dei rari momenti d’abbandono antecedenti al 1997, anno della pubblicazione dell’Autobiografia, in cui supera il naturale riserbo di svelare qualcosa di se stesso in pubblico, Bobbio dichiara le proprie affinità elettive e fornisce, in occasione dell’uscita della prima bibliografia dei suoi scritti nel 1984, l’elenco dei dieci autori che hanno lasciato un segno indelebile nella sua vita di studioso. Di questi, cinque sono contemporanei: Benedetto Croce, dal quale riconosce di aver appreso il valore della distinzione fra l’impegno dell’uomo di cultura e quello, immediato, dell’uomo politico; Carlo Cattaneo, che lo ha immunizzato, una volta per tutte, dalle sterili astrazioni della filosofia speculativa, slegata dall’esperienza; Vilfredo Pareto, cui deve, in particolare, l’acquisizione della consapevolezza dei limiti della ragione; Hans Kelsen, la cui teoria pura del diritto gli ha fornito le chiavi per accedere, senza filtri ideologici, alla comprensione del fenomeno giuridico; e, infine, Max Weber, le cui concettualizzazioni hanno costituito la base di partenza per la riformulazione e il ripensamento delle principali categorie della politica. Gli altri cinque appartengono alla galleria dei classici, anzi sono «i maggiori filosofi politici dell’età moderna», le cui opere Bobbio dichiara di aver «letto riletto e commentato infinite volte» . Fra questi, dopo Hobbes – l’autore preferito e comunque di gran lunga il più studiato – e accanto a Rousseau, Kant ed Hegel, Bobbio indica John Locke, che considera uno degli esponenti più rappresentativi del giusnaturalismo, all’interno del quale occupa una posizione talmente centrale da costituire un punto di riferimento ineludibile. Bobbio sostiene, infatti, che la filosofia politica lockiana è così radicata nella tradizione giusnaturalistica, di cui costituisce un’espressione «esemplare», una delle «forme più tipiche e radicali», che non si spiegherebbe senza questa; così come non si spiegherebbe la «gloriosa fortuna del giusnaturalismo sino alle Dichiarazioni dei diritti degli Stati Uniti e della rivoluzione francese» se si prescindesse dall’influenza determinante esercitata dall’autore dei Due trattati

Sobre Norberto Bobbio: El Duce dijo «sí»

This foray into Norberto Bobbio's human and intellectual life course was a byproduct of an investigation into Natural Law and its opponents within legal philosophy. While Bobbio's contribution to the philosophy of Law as such is not exciting, he devoted himself mostly to political philosophy and was indeed a politician, even though most of the time not a member of any party. Those features of his career deserve a thorough attention owing to his prominence as a revered Italian intellectual,A propósito de la no-aportación de Norberto Bobbio a la fundamentación de los derechos naturales del hombre, acorde con su positivismo jurídico que excluye cualquier fundamentación racional de las normas legales, este ensayo estudia la trayectoria humana e intelectual de Bobbio, desde su fascismo juvenil hasta su alineamiento pro-norteamericano y pro-occidentalista, que se radicalizó e hizo virulento en sus últimos años, en los cuales apoyó las guerras de USA y sus aliados, abrazando una visión maniquea de la historia del siglo XX, sin matiz alguno, cuyo eje es un antimarxismo primario. Bobbio se proclamó heredero de la Ilustración, pero su posicionamiento ideológico lo desmiente.N

Problemi attuali della democrazia in Italia

Il saggio, composto tra il 1984 e il 1985, discute il volume di Norberto Bobbio: 'Il futuro della democrazia', con particolare riferimento alla relazione tra democrazia politica e democrazia economica

Columbanus, charisma and the revolt of the monks of Bobbio

The account of the revolt of the monks of Bobbio against Columbanus’ successor Attala by Jonas of Bobbio gives only some clues as to why it took place, but suggests that Attala was lacking charisma. Jonas fails to mention the subsequent introduction of the Benedictine Rule to Bobbio and its combination with Columbanian traditions in the Rule of the master; he is also reticent about the deve lopment of cells, or submonasteries, partly as a result of the revolt. It is suggested here that the monastic rule currently known as the Rule of Eugippius was compiled for these cells and that the Rules of the fathers, currently dated to an earlier period, might also be associated with attempts to pacify the monks’ revolt

Leaders\u2019 competence and warmth: Their relationships with employees\u2019 well-being and organizational effectiveness

The aim of this work was to investigate competence and warmth \u2014 the two basic dimensions of social judgment \u2014 as dimensions employees use to evaluate their supervisors. A mediation model was tested in which supervisor\u2019s perceived competence and warmth were associated with relevant outcomes (lower burnout, weaker turnover intentions, more frequent citizenship behaviors) through the mediation of affective organizational commitment (AOC). In Study 1, data were collected from employees of a company in the water service sector. In Study 2, participants were financial promoters. In Study 3, the sample included employees from different organizations. As hypothesized, the perception of one\u2019s supervisor as competent (Studies 1-3) and warm (Study 3) was related to employees\u2019 lower burnout, weaker turnover intentions, more frequent prosocial behaviors through the mediation of AOC. Theoretical and practical implications of findings are discussed

Political Philosophy and freedom. A tribute to Renato Treves

El autor realiza una semblanza biográfica e intelectual de Renanto Treves. Ambos se sitúan en el socialismo liberal en la línea de Bobbio, Fernando de los Ríos y Elías Díaz. Desde esta perspectiva, se incide en el carácter histórico de los derechos, el valor fundamental de la dignidad humana, la secularización que supone la distinción entre ética pública y ética privada y la necesidad de constitucionalizar la igualdad material

Problemi attuali della democrazia in Italia

Il saggio, composto tra il 1984 e il 1985, discute il volume di Norberto Bobbio: 'Il futuro della democrazia', con particolare riferimento alla relazione tra democrazia politica e democrazia economica

Quantitative evaluation of Pandora Temporal Fault Trees via Petri Nets

© 2015, IFAC (International Federation of Automatic Control) Hosting by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Using classical combinatorial fault trees, analysts are able to assess the effects of combinations of failures on system behaviour but are unable to capture sequence dependent dynamic behaviour. Pandora introduces temporal gates and temporal laws to fault trees to allow sequence-dependent dynamic analysis of events. Pandora can be easily integrated in model-based design and analysis techniques; however, the combinatorial quantification techniques used to solve classical fault trees cannot be applied to temporal fault trees. Temporal fault trees capture state and therefore require a state space solution for quantification of probability. In this paper, we identify Petri Nets as a possible framework for quantifying temporal trees. We describe how Pandora fault trees can be mapped to Petri Nets for dynamic dependability analysis and demonstrate the process on a fault tolerant fuel distribution system model

Proxy of democracy? : metaphors of connection as arguments against representation

This paper aims to assess the arguments that claim representative democracy may be enhanced or replaced by an updated electronic version. Focusing on the dimension of elections and electioneering as the core mechanism of representative democracy I will discuss: (1) the proximity argument used to claim the necessity of filling the gap between decision-makers and stakeholders; (2) the transparency argument, which claims to remove obstacles to the publicity of power; (3) the bottom-up argument, which calls for a new form of legitimacy that goes beyond classical mediation of parties or unions; (4) the public sphere argument, referred to the problem of hierarchical relation between voters and their representatives; (5) the disintermediation argument, used to describe the (supposed) new form of democracy following the massive use of ICTs. The first way of conceptualizing e-democracy as different from mainstream 20th century representative democracy regimes is to imagine it as a new form direct democracy: this conception is often underlying contemporary studies of e-voting. To avoid some of the ingenuousness of this conception of e-democracy, we should take a step back and consider a broader range of issues than mere gerrymandering around the electoral moment. Therefore I shall problematize the abovementioned approach by analyzing a wider range of problems connected to election and electioneering in their relation with ICTs