National interest as a limit to democracy : the rhetoric of Finnish and Swedish employers in the debates on enterprise democracy during the 1960s and 1970s

Peer reviewe

Fiduciaries, Federalization, and Finance Capitalism: Berle’s Ambiguous Legacy and the Collapse of Countervailing Power

This Article engages problematic interpretations of Berle\u27s thinking, as well as their implications for understanding Berle’s legacy and its relevance to some of the most critically important contemporary dilemmas of American law, policy, and politics. . . . Characterizing the New Deal, let alone the political economic and regulatory regime that emerged as its lasting legacy, as corporatist is imprecise, prone to misunderstanding, and largely erroneous. The misuse of corporatism as a term not only misconceives neocorporatism as a theory of governance and political economic ordering, but also obscures its core institutional and juridical attributes along with the variety of its historical and existing forms across much of the industrialized world. Still worse, the increasingly common description of contemporary economic and regulatory policy as corporatist is polemical, rather than analytical. The imprecise use of the term corporatist does not merely distort our understanding of Berle and his times, it also, and more importantly, distracts our attention from the salient, enduring features of the American political economy and a regulatory and administrative state that appears increasingly inadequate for addressing the causes and consequences of our recent catastrophic financial crisis. . . . Berle’s thinking was not informed by corporatist theories, nor was it an adaptation of corporatist-type principles of institutional design and governance to the level of the corporation. Further, his advocacy of national economic planning through quasi-corporatist arrangements during the early New Deal reflected a contradictory and often vague conception of how such arrangements should be structured and function with respect to the role of the state, business interests, and formal rules. The ambiguities of Berle’s intellectual legacy can be clarified by viewing it in the context of the rise and fall of “countervailing power” in the American political economy. John Kenneth Galbraith identified countervailing power in 1952 as a pervasive structural feature of the postwar economic order that served as a crucial means of stabilization and legitimation. This concept referred to the largely spontaneous and market-driven emergence of increasingly organized opposing interests within the economy that were capable of bargaining with each other on roughly equal terms. The consequent balance of economic power effected by these countervailing organizational interests ameliorated threats to both the economic and political order posed by the massive concentration of unconstrained managerial power made possible by industrialization and the rise of the large publicly held corporation. Within the postwar economic regime of countervailing power, corporate management was situated within a comprehensive set of market relationships that limited managerial discretion and promoted the development of a form of corporate and sectoral organization, as well as an accompanying management style, that tamed the self-serving excesses of managerial and financial elites. . . . This Article also discusses the economic crisis of the 1970s and the takeover wave of the 1980s as pivotal in the collapse of countervailing power and the emergence of a new form of neoliberal finance capital. The Article concludes by showing how this political economic order has developed and imploded in ways that recapitulate many of Berle’s political and economic critiques of corporate power, unregulated markets, and the role of the state and law in ameliorating the excesses and crises of capitalism

Fiduciaries, Federalization, and Finance Capitalism: Berle’s Ambiguous Legacy and the Collapse of Countervailing Power

This Article engages problematic interpretations of Berle\u27s thinking, as well as their implications for understanding Berle’s legacy and its relevance to some of the most critically important contemporary dilemmas of American law, policy, and politics. . . . Characterizing the New Deal, let alone the political economic and regulatory regime that emerged as its lasting legacy, as corporatist is imprecise, prone to misunderstanding, and largely erroneous. The misuse of corporatism as a term not only misconceives neocorporatism as a theory of governance and political economic ordering, but also obscures its core institutional and juridical attributes along with the variety of its historical and existing forms across much of the industrialized world. Still worse, the increasingly common description of contemporary economic and regulatory policy as corporatist is polemical, rather than analytical. The imprecise use of the term corporatist does not merely distort our understanding of Berle and his times, it also, and more importantly, distracts our attention from the salient, enduring features of the American political economy and a regulatory and administrative state that appears increasingly inadequate for addressing the causes and consequences of our recent catastrophic financial crisis. . . . Berle’s thinking was not informed by corporatist theories, nor was it an adaptation of corporatist-type principles of institutional design and governance to the level of the corporation. Further, his advocacy of national economic planning through quasi-corporatist arrangements during the early New Deal reflected a contradictory and often vague conception of how such arrangements should be structured and function with respect to the role of the state, business interests, and formal rules. The ambiguities of Berle’s intellectual legacy can be clarified by viewing it in the context of the rise and fall of “countervailing power” in the American political economy. John Kenneth Galbraith identified countervailing power in 1952 as a pervasive structural feature of the postwar economic order that served as a crucial means of stabilization and legitimation. This concept referred to the largely spontaneous and market-driven emergence of increasingly organized opposing interests within the economy that were capable of bargaining with each other on roughly equal terms. The consequent balance of economic power effected by these countervailing organizational interests ameliorated threats to both the economic and political order posed by the massive concentration of unconstrained managerial power made possible by industrialization and the rise of the large publicly held corporation. Within the postwar economic regime of countervailing power, corporate management was situated within a comprehensive set of market relationships that limited managerial discretion and promoted the development of a form of corporate and sectoral organization, as well as an accompanying management style, that tamed the self-serving excesses of managerial and financial elites. . . . This Article also discusses the economic crisis of the 1970s and the takeover wave of the 1980s as pivotal in the collapse of countervailing power and the emergence of a new form of neoliberal finance capital. The Article concludes by showing how this political economic order has developed and imploded in ways that recapitulate many of Berle’s political and economic critiques of corporate power, unregulated markets, and the role of the state and law in ameliorating the excesses and crises of capitalism

Autogestão: promessas e desafios

Bibliografia: p. 234O trabalho começa com a definição do que seja autogestão, onde se destaca que a democratização da propriedade precisa estar associada a efetiva participação dos trabalhadores no processo decisório da firma para garantir um conteúdo substantivo à autogestão. Depois, passa pela enumeração e análise das promessas oferecidas pela autogestão, segue com uma relação dos problemas enfrentados pelas firmas autogeridas, analisa a importância de instituições que apóiem as firmas autogeridas e conclui com uma breve análise da ação do BNDES nesta área.The paper initially defines self-management, with emphasis on the fact that a truly democratic ownership structure hinges on more effective employee participation in corporate decision-making to ensure core content to self-management. Next, it list and reviews the possible outcomes of self-management and problems faced by self-managed companies, and discusses the importance of institutional support to self-managed companies. The article concludes with a short analysis of BNDES actions in this area

Empresas recuperadas por trabalhadores em regime de autogestão: reflexões à luz do caso brasileiro

Bibliografia: p. 137-138O número de empresas de propriedade dos trabalhadores, especialmente aquelas recuperadas por trabalhadores após sérios problemas legais ou financeiros, aumentou significativamente nos últimos vinte anos no Brasil. Muitos desses empreendimentos são geridos coletivamente através de um esquema cooperativo. Este artigo busca discutir as características das estratégias apresentadas por essas empresas e sua viabilidade no contexto econômico brasileiro. Considerando um cenário de elevada competitividade e crescente importância do capital financeiro, as empresas de propriedade dos trabalhadores estão explorando mercados em que a flexibilidade para atender encomendas e a expertise são muito mais importantes do que a escala. Esses trabalhadores têm de enfrentar uma grande variedade de problemas para conseguir manter o negócio e seus postos de trabalho, tais como conflitos internos, inexistência de uma legislação específica e dificuldade de acesso ao crédito. Para superar todos esses obstáculos, os trabalhadores das empresas de propriedade dos trabalhadores se alinharam a outros movimentos sociais na “Economia Solidária”, identificada por práticas de gestão coletiva e alto engajamento em questões sociais, ambientais e políticas.The number of employee owned enterprises, especially those recovered by workers after serious financial or legal problems, rose significantly in the last twenty years in Brazil. Most of them are collectively managed through a cooperative scheme. This article aims to discuss the characteristics and the strategies presented by these enterprises and their feasibility in the Brazilian economic context. Considering a scenario of high competition and increasing importance of financial capital, employee owned enterprises are exploring markets in which flexibility to attend special needs and expertise are much more crucial than scale. Nevertheless, workers must face a variety of problems to maintain the business and their own jobs, such as internal conflicts, lack of na appropriate legislation and difficult access to credit. In order to overcome all these obstacles, it can be observed that workers from employee owned enterprises are aligned with others social movements in a group called “Economia Solidária”, identified with collective management practices and high engagement in social, environmental and political issues

PERAN STRATEGIS PEMERINTAH INDONESIA DALAM PERDAGANGAN TEMBAGA DI PASAR GLOBAL

Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana proses dominasi dan peran strategis Pemerintah Indonesia terhadap PT Freeport Indonesia dalam aktivitas perdagangan tembaga di pasar global sebagai representasi mekanisme fundamental pasar neoliberal. Meskipun Indonesia berada pada kekangan represif dari aktivitas free market capitalism, sebagai sebuah entitas imperatif yang berdaulat, negara memiliki keberpihakan untuk mengaugmentasi dan mendominasi aktivitas perdagangan komoditas strategisnya, yang salah satunya adalah tembaga. Akibat mekanisme pasar tersebut, posisi tawar negara dan PT Freeport Indonesia cenderung setara sebagai akibat dari liberalisasi pasar. Sehingga, negara memiliki kepentingan untuk mengoptimalkan peran strategis perdagangan tembaga di pasar global untuk mewujudkan kepentingan nasionalnya dan melakukan penyeimbangan posisi tawar dengan PT Freeport Indonesia. Hipotesis dalam penelitian ini adalah peran strategis Pemerintah Indonesia melalui penerapan UU No. 4 Tahun 2009 tentang Pertambangan Mineral dan Batubara di dalam industri pertambangan semakin dominan, maka PT Freeport Indonesia akan mengalami kerugian yang relatif di dalam perdagangan tembaga di pasar global. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif analisis dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Kemudian paradigma penelitian berikut ini akan menggunakan interpretasi state centric yaitu paradigma neomerkantilisme. Dalam menganalisis relasi di antara variabel yang diteliti, penulis menggunakan pendekatan studi kasus dalam periodisasi Pemerintah Indonesia dan PT Freeport Indonesia dari tahun 2000-2018 dengan menggunakan perangkat teori permainan dan keseimbangan Nash sebagai alat analisis dalam menentukan perilaku strategis di antara aktor yang terlibat secara rasional. Hasil penelitian ini menempatkan bahwa relasi di antara Pemerintah Indonesia dan PT Freeport Indonesia memiliki kedudukan yang sama di mata rejim dan struktur pasar secara sistemik. Sehingga, kecenderungan kebijakan industri dan perdagangan neomercantilisme menjadi perangkat strategis dalam upaya meningkatkan posisi negara sehingga peran negara dalam industri dan perdagangan tembaga dominan. Kata kunci: Perdagangan Tembaga, Kebijakan Perdagangan, Pasar Global dan Korporasi Multi-Nasional

PERAN STRATEGIS PEMERINTAH INDONESIA DALAM PERDAGANGAN TEMBAGA DI PASAR GLOBAL

Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana proses dominasi dan peran strategis Pemerintah Indonesia terhadap PT Freeport Indonesia dalam aktivitas perdagangan tembaga di pasar global sebagai representasi mekanisme fundamental pasar neoliberal. Meskipun Indonesia berada pada kekangan represif dari aktivitas free market capitalism, sebagai sebuah entitas imperatif yang berdaulat, negara memiliki keberpihakan untuk mengaugmentasi dan mendominasi aktivitas perdagangan komoditas strategisnya, yang salah satunya adalah tembaga. Akibat mekanisme pasar tersebut, posisi tawar negara dan PT Freeport Indonesia cenderung setara sebagai akibat dari liberalisasi pasar. Sehingga, negara memiliki kepentingan untuk mengoptimalkan peran strategis perdagangan tembaga di pasar global untuk mewujudkan kepentingan nasionalnya dan melakukan penyeimbangan posisi tawar dengan PT Freeport Indonesia. Hipotesis dalam penelitian ini adalah peran strategis Pemerintah Indonesia melalui penerapan UU No. 4 Tahun 2009 tentang Pertambangan Mineral dan Batubara di dalam industri pertambangan semakin dominan, maka PT Freeport Indonesia akan mengalami kerugian yang relatif di dalam perdagangan tembaga di pasar global. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif analisis dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Kemudian paradigma penelitian berikut ini akan menggunakan interpretasi state centric yaitu paradigma neomerkantilisme. Dalam menganalisis relasi di antara variabel yang diteliti, penulis menggunakan pendekatan studi kasus dalam periodisasi Pemerintah Indonesia dan PT Freeport Indonesia dari tahun 2000-2018 dengan menggunakan perangkat teori permainan dan keseimbangan Nash sebagai alat analisis dalam menentukan perilaku strategis di antara aktor yang terlibat secara rasional. Hasil penelitian ini menempatkan bahwa relasi di antara Pemerintah Indonesia dan PT Freeport Indonesia memiliki kedudukan yang sama di mata rejim dan struktur pasar secara sistemik. Sehingga, kecenderungan kebijakan industri dan perdagangan neomercantilisme menjadi perangkat strategis dalam upaya meningkatkan posisi negara sehingga peran negara dalam industri dan perdagangan tembaga dominan. Kata kunci: Perdagangan Tembaga, Kebijakan Perdagangan, Pasar Global dan Korporasi Multi-Nasional

Mihin katosi vaatimus taloudellisesta demokratiasta?

Taloudellisen demokratian käsite on viime vuosikymmeninä kadonnut poliittisesta kielenkäytöstä. Läpi 1900-luvun erityisesti työväenliike esitti vaatimuksia demokraattisen päätöksenteon laajentamisesta yrityksiin, työmarkkinoille ja kansantalouteen. 1990-luvun alussa taloudellinen demokratia jasen naapurikäsitteet, kuten yritysdemokratia, kuitenkin katosivat poliittisesta keskustelusta. Ilkka Kärrylä tulkitsee artikkelissaan, että vaatimukset kansalaisten tai työntekijöiden vallasta taloudessa ja yrityksissä sopivat huonosti yhteen kapitalistisen yksityisomistuksen sekä markkinamekanismiin ja asiantuntijuuteenperustuvan vallankäytön kanssa. Näiden legitimiteetti on vahvistunut 1970-luvulta alkaen talouskriisien, globalisaation ja reaalisosialismin romahduksen myötä. Uusliberaali ajattelu on esittänyt markkinatalouden ja yksityisomistuksen yksilönvapauden ja hyvinvoinnin takeina. Vaihtoehtoiset tavat järjestää talous ja yhteiskunta ovat jääneet marginaaliin, ja demokraattinen keskustelu niistä on hiipunut. Vahvasta yksilönvapauden eetoksesta huolimatta taloudellinen toiminta ei näytä erityisen vapaalta, vaan niin valtiot kuin yksilötkin joutuvat sopeutumaan erilaisiin välttämättömyyksiin kilpaillessaan muiden kanssa. Kärrylä esittää, että keskustelu taloudellisesta demokratiasta olisi edelleen aiheellista, vaikka todelliset muutokset pääoman vallan rajoittamiseksi edellyttäisivätkin ylikansallista yhteistyötä

Cultural imperialism and satellite television in Iran

The increasing flow of international and Western cultural and information input into Iran, via satellite technologies, has affected the traditional, cultural and religious heritage of the country. Considering the political, cultural and economic realities of Iran and the history of its media, this research intends to examine the uneven flow of information and entertainment of global media via satellite in Iran within the context of the international communication and cultural imperialism theory. This study attempts to revise the cultural imperialism theory through a case study and identifies its limitations and the areas that could be developed within its infrastructure such that it will be applicable to the current situation and contemporary arguments of the media flow. It reviews the cultural imperialism theory in the light of the active audience's perspective and analyses the mixed and contradictory dynamics of reconstruction, adoption and resistance of international media. This research analyses the emergence of Persian language satellite television news and entertainment in Iran. A mixture of political, cultural and economic pressures dominates the editorial conduct of those expatriate and Persian language satellite channels. Political pressures, however, seem to be playing the most apparent role in that process. This study critically analyses the activities of Jaam-e-Jam and VOA Persian language satellite channels and examines the factors that affect the editorial policies and practice of the studied channels. It addresses these issues by studying the evolution, style of ownership, organisational structure, and content as well as editorial and managerial power hierarchy of those channels. In order to asses the attitudes, and encoded messages of these stations, a combination of content and discourse analysis is used. This research also empirically examines the audience's response in a detailed focus group investigation to see how they perceive and interpret the encoded messages

After Creation: Intergovernmental Organizations and Member State Governments as Co-Participants in an Authority Relationship

This is a re-amalgamation of what started as one manuscript and became two when the length proved to be more than any publisher wanted to consider. The splitting consisted of removing what are now Parts 3, 4, and 5 so that the manuscript focused on the outcome-related shared beliefs holding an authority relationship together. Those parts were last worked on in 2018. The rest were last worked on in late 2021 but also remain incomplete. The relational approach adopted in this study treats intergovernmental organizations and the governments of member states as co-participants in an authority relationship with the governments of their member states. Authority relationships link two types of actor, defined by their authority-holder or addressee role in the relationship, through a set of shared beliefs about why the relationship exists and how the participants should fulfill their respective roles. The IGO as authority holder has a role that includes a right to instruct other actors about what they should or should not do; the governments of member states as addressees are expected to comply with the instructions. Three sets of shared beliefs provide the conceptual “glue” holding the relationship together. The first defines the goal of the collective effort, providing both the rationale for having the authority relationship and providing a lode star for assessments of the collective effort’s success or lack of success. The second set defines the shared understanding about allocation of roles and the process of interaction by establishing shared expectations about a) the selection process by which particular actors acquire authority holder roles, b) the definitions identifying one or more categories of addressees expected to follow instructions, and c) the procedures through which the authority holder issues instructions. The third set focus on the outcomes of cooperation through the relationship by defining a) the substantive areas in which the authority holder may issue instructions, b) the bases for assessing the relevance actions mandated in instructions for reaching the goal, and c) the relative efficacy of action paths chosen for reaching the goal as compared to other possible action paths. Using an authority relationship framework for analyzing cooperation through IGOs highlights the inherently bi-directional nature of IGO-member government activity by viewing their interaction as involving a three-step process in which the IGO as authority holder decides when to issue what instruction, the member state governments as followers react to the instruction with anything from prompt and full compliance through various forms of pushback to outright rejection, and the IGO as authority holder responds to how the followers react with efforts to increase individual compliance with instructions and reinforce continuing acceptance of the authority relationship. Foregrounding the dynamics produced by the interaction of these two streams of perception and action reveals more clearly how far intergovernmental organizations acquire capacity to operate as independent actors, the dynamic ways they maintain that capacity, and how much they influence member governments’ beliefs and actions at different times. The approach fosters better understanding of why, when, and for how long governments choose cooperation through an IGO even in periods of rising unilateralism