Economic Integration in Latin America: A Review of the MERCOSUR Organization

The intention of this capstone project is to provide an assessment of the level of economic integration in the MERCOSUR organization of the Latin American Region, and to offer suggestions for future considerations for the continued success of the organization. The paper will review the different levels of economic integration that countries can engage in and further explore the ways in which MERCOSUR has engaged in the economic integration process. There will be special emphasis placed on the role of MERCOSUR\u27s two main players: Brazil and Argentina Despite the numerous challenges and setbacks faced by the MERCOSUR organization, it has gained a degree of success and will continue to do so in the future with a realignment of macroeconomic and domestic policies between member states

Chinese Scientific Socialism in Global Perspective: Geopolitical Implications for Latin America and the United States

Western media tends to analyze the phrase Socialism with Chinese characteristics and its development manifestations along a continuum of capitalism, authoritarian or state to liberal, rather than analyzing the phenomenon and its parts from a socialist-communist model. A myopic analytical perspective fails to capture potentially new forms emanating from the scientific socialist prism and their local-to-global impact. This paper examines the term socialism within distinct historical contexts and the term\u27s associated semantic shifts to situate it within the contemporary Chinese context and practice, particularly related to foreign policy. The conditions associated with hegemonic shift or dilution are also examined in relationship to China\u27s policies and presence in Latin America

The role of Mercosur in the post cold war security context of the southern cone of the Americas

The purpose of this study is to determine whether the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) plays a role in facilitating multilateral security mechanisms among its members. The central question of this work asks whether regional integration results in the establishment of cooperative security mechanisms. The dependent variable involves multilateral security initiatives within the MERCOSUR, in the present context of inter-American relations. The independent variables include regional transitions to democracy, the regional strategic consequences of the ending of the Cold War, and regional integration experiments. This work departs from the stated central question to the particular case of international involvement in the Paraguayan political crises of 1996 and 1999. The active intervention of Paraguay\u27s largest MERCOSUR partners, Brazil and Argentina, in the course of these developments is analyzed. The evidence demonstrates that economic integration does not necessarily result in the establishment of formal cooperative security mechanisms. In the present context of inter-American relations, however, there exists a tendency toward multilateral regional responses to internal threats to democracy as witnessed in the Paraguayan case. This project shows that membership in a regional economic organization, as seen by the ASEAN, European Union and MERCOSUR, enhances the establishment of common security measures

The trading relationship between the EU and Mercosur: the mediatory role of Brazil

Dissertação de mestrado em European and Transglobal Business LawThe global multilateralism has been the option for the expansion of trade and economic investments. The objectives of free trade exceeded the traditional notion of trade in goods liberalization to include contemporary topics such as services, investment and intellectual property and to be consistent with the rules established by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The interest of developing countries to implement inter-regional trade agreements with developed countries is one way to ensure necessary political and economic reforms and attracting more foreign direct investment. In this context, economic and world order can be characterized by the coexistence of regionalism and multilateralism. In general, preferential trade agreements have taken on increased importance since the failure of the Doha Round and consequently have proliferated in recent years. These agreements are an exception to the principle of the most favorable nation, laid down and regulated by the WTO. The negotiations on market access among the largest and most influential regions of Europe and Latin America can vary since mutual political influence to economic returns. Thus, the negotiations emerged on a trade preferential agreement between the European Union and Mercosur in 2000 to the present day. These negotiations have already suffered many forward and backward steps, and is expected its conclusion in the near future. The future of political and economic relations and cooperation between the EU and Mercosur will depend on the final results of the negotiations already ongoing. Therefore, the interests at stake must be expressed in all their diversity and fully considered, so that the conclusion of trade negotiations will be successful and initiate a new era of political and economic relations between the two regional blocs. Brazil has assumed an increasingly important role in Latin America and strengthened its position within Mercosur. In turn, the EU was not indifferent to their growth and, given its close relationship both culturally as history, established a strategic partnership in 2007 with Brazil. The bi-regional trade agreement, on the EU side, should increase market access for their goods and services and assist in the institutional strengthening of Mercosur, due to the free movement of goods and services as well as clearer and more efficient customs procedures. Towards Mercosur, negotiations should provide, on the one hand, greater access for Mercosur products and services to the European market and, on the other hand, a greater incentive for European direct foreign investment. Hence, Mercosur is expected to increase its exports to the EU due to the removal of trade barriers in the European market. Regarding the role of Brazil, its dominance in Latin America and particularly Mercosur and its long-term relationship with the EU could facilitate the successful conclusion of negotiations between the two blocs, functioning as a mediator. Thus, on the EU side has to mediate the reduction of protectionist policy of the Mercosur and consequently the opening of the European markets and industrial sector, particularly the automotive sector. On the side of Mercosur, you have to mediate EU barriers to agricultural sector.O multilateralismo global tem sido a opção para a expansão do comércio e dos investimentos económicos. Os objectivos do livre comércio superaram a noção tradicional de liberalização do comércio de produtos para incluírem temas contemporâneos, como serviços, investimentos e propriedade intelectual e serem consistentes com as regras estabelecidas pela Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O interesse dos países em desenvolvimento de implementar acordos de comércio inter-regionais com países desenvolvidos é assegurar uma via para reformas políticas e económicas necessárias e atrair um volume maior de investimento estrangeiro directo. Neste contexto, a ordem económica e mundial pode ser caracterizada pela coexistência do regionalismo e do multilateralismo. Em geral, os acordos preferenciais de comércio têm assumido maior relevância desde o fracasso da Rodada de Doha e, consequentemente têm proliferado nos últimos anos. Estes acordos são uma excepção ao princípio da nação mais favorável, previsto e regulado pela OMC. As negociações de acesso aos mercados entre as maiores e mais influentes regiões da Europa e da América Latina podem variar desde influências políticas mútuas a retornos económicos. Deste modo, surgiu as negociações de um acordo preferencial comercial entre a União Europeia e o Mercosul, em 2000 até aos nossos dias. Estas negociações já sofreram muitos avanços e recuos, estando previsto a sua conclusão num futuro próximo. O futuro das relações políticas e económicas e da cooperação entre a UE e o Mercosul dependerá dos resultados finais das negociações já iniciadas. Deste modo, os interesses em jogo devem ser expressos em toda a sua diversidade e considerados integralmente, de forma que a conclusão das negociações comerciais obtenha sucesso e inicie uma nova era das relações políticas e económicas entre os dois blocos regionais. O Brasil tem assumido um papel cada vez mais importante na América Latina e fortalecido a sua posição dentro do Mercosul. Por sua vez, a UE não foi indiferente ao seu crescimento e, tendo em conta a sua relação de proximidade tanto nível cultural como histórico, estabeleceu uma parceria estratégica em 2007 com o Brasil. O acordo comercial bi-regional, do lado da UE, deve incrementar o acesso ao mercado para os seus bens e serviços e auxiliar no fortalecimento institucional do Mercosul, devido à livre circulação de bens e serviços, bem como procedimentos aduaneiros mais claros e eficientes. Em relação ao Mercosul, as negociações devem proporcionar, por um lado, maior acesso dos produtos e serviços do Mercosul ao mercado europeu. E, por outro lado, maior incentivo para o investimento estrangeiro directo europeu. Deste modo, o Mercosul deverá aumentar as suas exportações para a UE, devido à remoção das barreiras comerciais do mercado europeu. Relativamente ao papel do Brasil, a sua posição dominante na América latina e, particularmente no Mercosul e a sua relação de longa duração com a UE poderá facilitar a conclusão com sucesso das negociações entre os dois blocos, funcionando como um mediador. Assim, pelo do lado da UE, tem de mediar a redução da política proteccionista do Mercosul e, consequentemente a abertura aos mercados europeus do sector industrial e, em particular, o sector automóvel. Pelo lado do Mercosul, tem de mediar os entraves da UE ao sector agrícola

Public Policy to Reduce Inequalities across Europe

There is a broad consensus across European states and the EU that social and economic inequality is a problem that needs to be addressed. Yet inequality policy is notoriously complex and contested. This book approaches the issue from two linked perspectives. First, a focus on functional requirements highlights what policymakers think they need to deliver policy successfully, and the gap between their requirements and reality. We identify this gap in relation to the theory and practice of policy learning, and to multiple sectors, to show how it manifests in health, education, and gender equity policies. Second, a focus on territorial politics highlights how the problem is interpreted at different scales, subject to competing demands to take responsibility. This contestation and spread of responsibilities contributes to different policy approaches across spatial scales. We conclude that governments promote many separate equity initiatives, across territories and sectors, without knowing if they are complementary or contradictory. This outcome could reflect the fact that ambiguous policy problems and complex policymaking processes are beyond the full knowledge or control of governments. It could also be part of a strategy to make a rhetorically radical case while knowing that they will translate into safer policies. It allows them to replace debates on values, regarding whose definition of equity matters and which inequalities to tolerate, with more technical discussions of policy processes. Governments may be offering new perspectives on spatial justice or new ways to reduce political attention to inequalities

Public Policy to Reduce Inequalities across Europe

There is a broad consensus across European states and the EU that social and economic inequality is a problem that needs to be addressed. Yet inequality policy is notoriously complex and contested. This book approaches the issue from two linked perspectives. First, a focus on functional requirements highlights what policymakers think they need to deliver policy successfully, and the gap between their requirements and reality. We identify this gap in relation to the theory and practice of policy learning, and to multiple sectors, to show how it manifests in health, education, and gender equity policies. Second, a focus on territorial politics highlights how the problem is interpreted at different scales, subject to competing demands to take responsibility. This contestation and spread of responsibilities contributes to different policy approaches across spatial scales. We conclude that governments promote many separate equity initiatives, across territories and sectors, without knowing if they are complementary or contradictory. This outcome could reflect the fact that ambiguous policy problems and complex policymaking processes are beyond the full knowledge or control of governments. It could also be part of a strategy to make a rhetorically radical case while knowing that they will translate into safer policies. It allows them to replace debates on values, regarding whose definition of equity matters and which inequalities to tolerate, with more technical discussions of policy processes. Governments may be offering new perspectives on spatial justice or new ways to reduce political attention to inequalities

Economic Integration in Latin America: A Review of the MERCOSUR Organization

The intention of this capstone project is to provide an assessment of the level of economic integration in the MERCOSUR organization of the Latin American Region, and to offer suggestions for future considerations for the continued success of the organization. The paper will review the different levels of economic integration that countries can engage in and further explore the ways in which MERCOSUR has engaged in the economic integration process. There will be special emphasis placed on the role of MERCOSUR\u27s two main players: Brazil and Argentina Despite the numerous challenges and setbacks faced by the MERCOSUR organization, it has gained a degree of success and will continue to do so in the future with a realignment of macroeconomic and domestic policies between member states

The Romanian International Profile and the Trade Connections with Mercosur

The main objective of this study is to analyze the international profile of the Rumania and its trade connections with Mercosur Organization. It is also presented the Romanian infrastructure of business, the income level in Rumania, a cross cultural profile of the two regions, the national politics and the degree of openness to the European Union profile. The way to select foreign countries and markets involves a complex process in which each country is evaluated, the cross cultural study is the one who entice the importance of proximity as a key factor that can ensure the success of commercial activities between the exporting country and the country of the destination of the goods. The statistic hypotheses is: European Union membership affects the trade of Romania and its extremely high uncertainty avoidance is reflected in the reduced international competitiveness