Patterns of political ideology and security policy

Recent studies on political ideology suggest the existence of partisan divides on matters of foreign and security policy, challenging the notion that "politics stops at the water's edge." However, when taken as a whole, extant work provides decidedly mixed evidence of party-political differences outside domestic politics. This article first conducts a systematic empirical analysis of the relationship between parties' left-right positions and their general attitude toward peace and security missions, which suggests that right-leaning parties tend to be more supportive of military operations. Yet, the results also show that the empirical pattern is curvilinear: centrist and center-right parties witness the highest level of support for military missions, while parties on both ends of the political spectrum show substantially less support. The second part of our analysis examines whether the stronger support of rightist parties for peace and security missions translates into a greater inclination of right-wing governments to actually deploy forces for military operations. Strikingly, our results suggest that leftist governments were actually more inclined to participate in operations than their right-leaning counterparts. The greater willingness of left-wing executives to deploy military forces is the result of their greater inclination to participate in operations with inclusive goals

The other ‘other’: Party responses to immigration in eastern Europe

Eastern Europe has traditionally been a region of emigration, sending thousands of refugees and migrants to the more developed and democratic west. The recent democratization and rising affluence of some eastern European countries, however, make them increasingly attractive destinations of migrant workers, slowly but surely turning them into immigrant societies. This article addresses the responses of political parties to the issue of immigration and immigrant integration. Through large-N quantitative analyses of 11 eastern European countries using the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys, the 2009 European Election Study, the Database of Political Institutions and World Bank indicators, it analyzes the causes of immigration salience, as well as the reasons behind immigration and integration policy positions. The article argues that partisan and voter views on immigration in eastern Europe are guided by ideological views on ethnic minorities, which have been the traditional ‘out-groups’ in the region. Partisan positions on immigration and immigrant integration are consequently determined by underlying ideological principles concerning cultural openness and acceptance of ‘otherness’. Immigrants to eastern Europe are consequently viewed as the other ‘other’

Side-channel based intrusion detection for industrial control systems

Industrial Control Systems are under increased scrutiny. Their security is historically sub-par, and although measures are being taken by the manufacturers to remedy this, the large installed base of legacy systems cannot easily be updated with state-of-the-art security measures. We propose a system that uses electromagnetic side-channel measurements to detect behavioural changes of the software running on industrial control systems. To demonstrate the feasibility of this method, we show it is possible to profile and distinguish between even small changes in programs on Siemens S7-317 PLCs, using methods from cryptographic side-channel analysis.Comment: 12 pages, 7 figures. For associated code, see https://polvanaubel.com/research/em-ics/code

Two is Better than One? Testing a Deductive MARPOR-based Left-Right Index on Western Europe (1999-2019)

Most of the existing indexes measuring parties’ left-right positions through Manifesto Project (MARPOR) data, including the ‘RILE’, share a partially or fully inductive nature and an underlying assumption of left-right unidimensionality. However, as the structure of party competition in contemporary Western Europe has been recently moving away from traditional ‘left-libertarian/right-authoritarian’ patterns, the inductive and unidimensional characteristics of such instruments may hinder the quality of their measurements. In this article, I introduce and develop a new left-right instrument, which is wholly deductive and relies on an explicit linkage with theoretical sources in the conceptualisation of economic and cultural left and right as the basis for the subsequent index operationalisation through the justified selection of MARPOR items. After deriving the individual deductive economic and cultural left-right scores and employing them in the mathematical formalisation of a synthetic left-right measure to be compared with existing unidimensional instruments, I perform a comparison between the new left-right index and the RILE. Both instruments are empirically tested on a dataset made covering the 20-year period between 1999 and 2019 in 16 Western European countries, for a total of 72 elections and 474 party-election combinations. More specifically, the statistical probes take the form of rank correlation analyses between the election-specific left-right rankings of each index and those provided by the external benchmark of the “Chapel Hill Expert Survey” (CHES). Results are mixed and indicate that, whilst more traditional patterns of competition seem to still apply across the board in pre-Great-Recession years, the new left-right index is a more valid measure of parties’ left-right positions both in the ‘turbulent times’ of the 2010s and in the vast majority of the areas across the region. This is especially true in Southern Europe, for which the RILE is known to be particularly problematic. Hence, this work calls for further discussion on the different patterns of Western European party competition across space and time, as well as differentiated and context-specific deductive left-right measurement

An Assessment of Funding and Other Capacity Needs for Health Equity Programming Within State-Level Chronic Disease Programs

Background: Chronic diseases are an important contributor to morbidity and mortality among racial/ethnic minority, low-income, and other under-resourced populations. Given that state health departments (and their chronic disease programs) play a significant role in providing population and preventive health services, their capacity to promote health equity is an important consideration in national efforts to address chronic diseases. The purpose of this study was to examine capacity needs of state chronic disease programs with respect to promoting health equity. Methods: In 2015, the National Association of Chronic Disease Directors (NACDD) conducted a survey of its members that work within a state chronic disease division (CDD) or the larger state health department. The survey was structured to provide information on major funding sources for chronic diseases, the extent to which key funders required a focus on health equity, dedicated staffing for health equity, and training and technical assistance needs of practitioners to support health equity integration in chronic disease programming. All data were analyzed using SPSS 19.0. Findings: A total of 147 chronic disease directors and practitioners responded to the survey from 43 states, the District of Columbia and three of the U.S. Affiliated Territories and Commonwealths. Forty-two percent (N=25) of the 59 directors of state, territorial and tribal chronic disease programs at the time of the study responded. Only 52% of respondents believed their CDD adequately addressed health inequities. Among the 70 respondents who did not know or did not believe their health departments adequately addressed health inequities, barriers identified include insufficient funding (62%), inadequate training (54%), and health inequities not being a priority (22%). Respondents also identified opportunities to strengthen funding requirements to address health disparities Conclusions: Overall, the data highlight some opportunities to enhance the capacity of state CDDs to promote health equity, such as through more direct funding requirements for health equity integration, staff training, increased funding, and specialized technical assistance. Because the response rate was less than 100%, we cannot generalize the findings to every state chronic disease program. However, the responses are relatable to their collective experience