MEDIA AND WOMAN : PICTURING MEDIA CONSTRUCTION TOWARDS WOMAN POLITICAL PARTISIPATION IN POST REFORMATION AGE IN INDONESIA

This research aims to extricate the construction of Kompas toward news coverage of woman legislative candidate in Legislative Election 2009. Albeit reformation has been occurred since 12 years ago, the relation of woman and politic is still clashed and debated in economic, politic, social, culture and religion contexts. Woman often placed as marginalized human in politic. The terms of ‘public domain’ and ‘private domain’ are a dichotomy which explain role of man and woman in society. Woman is hitherto only involved in internal household. Socio culturally, woman is positioned as inferior party, in famous Javanese philosophy it is said that woman is confined as ‘konco wingking’ (friend in kitchen). Since Independen day of Indonesia in 1945, the number of woman in legislative board has not been representative compared with the total woman population in Indonesia. Based on the phenomena, this research is proposed to examine central issues which reported by Kompas consistently. As a media industry, Kompas Daily Newspaper is intentionally selected as the research subject caught with the news coverage which nationally based and dominate circulation. In sociocultural area, Kompas often offer ideas and discourse which then contribute an influence to society. This research will simultaneously disclose central issues which reported by Kompas consistently in woman legislative candidate news coverage in legislative election 2009. The method used in this research is framing method. Framing devices which will be applied is Gamson and Modigliani’s which consists of framing devices and reasoning devices. Framing devices is caught directly to central issues which stressed in a news. This devices is simbolized with words using, sentences using, graphic or picture, and certain metaphor. Reasoning devices is regarded cohesion and coherence of media text which refer to certain notion so message can be received as truth, natural, and real. Keywords: framing, Kompas, woman political participation, legislative election 200

In the shadow of the ICC: Colombia and international criminal justice

The report of the expert conference examining the nature and dynamics of the role of the International Criminal Court in the ongoing investigation and prosecution of atrocious crimes committed in Colombia. Convened by the Human Rights Consortium, the Institute of Commonwealth Studies and the Institute for the Study of the Americas at the School of Advanced Study, University of London University of London, 26–27 May 2011

Mediating the Scottish independence debate

In the six months leading up to the referendum vote on 18 September 2014 Scotland experienced a period of exceptionally heightened political discourse, a widespread form of political participation unusual in western liberal-democracies. For almost two years fundamental questions about nation, state and society that are routinely taken for granted were exposed to widespread public discussion and debate involving millions of individuals normally silenced by the political fetish. Instead, these became the subject of open, often heated, discussion and debate by wide layers of society. This process of self-representation meant that political discourse was forced to shift from the logic of political self-marketing as the neutral, technical preserve of small circles of networked state managers and media interlocutors, what Pierre Bourdieu (1991) referred to as ‘political fetishism’. This widened public discourse began to break the stranglehold of the political fetish in Scotland, most obviously in the political vertigo experienced by the representatives of the Unionist parties and what might be called ‘media Unionism’. A mass grassroots movement in support of Independence benefited from a changed and, in some ways, reinvigorated media field. Where television once threatened the authority of newspapers, social media now challenges the dominance of television and the press

Women MPs and the socio-environmental preconditions for political participation in the Federal Republic

With the election of Germany's first woman chancellor in November 2005 it would appear that equal opportunities have finally been achieved in German politics. Furthermore, most parties in the Federal Republic are committed to increasing or maintaining certain levels of female representation within their ranks, and many use quotas to achieve this. This article looks not only at the formal mechanisms employed by the German parties to help women enter politics, but also at whether the practice of politics is conducive to women's working methods and lifestyles. Its focus is on the compatibility of a political career with family responsibilities. The author argues that while quotas have helped increase the number of female politicians, party cultures and practices have not been completely transformed. Many problems remain for current and potential female politicians, especially those whose family circumstances make it hard to adapt to the male norms of behaviour which still characterise political life in the Federal Republic

Mimicry or meltdown? On the greening of local new politics parties

By scrutinizing a specific type of local lists - interpreted as a local variant of ‘New Politics Parties’ - this paper aims to give an initial impetus to understanding the internal variations concealed by the all-purpose denominator of local lists. Local New Politics Parties are identified as local policy-seeking parties based on a grassroots democratic and post-material values. Based on a qualitative analysis of three local New Politics Parties their common characteristics, developments and strategies are analysed and clarified. These small parties’ quest for political relevance urges them to adopt office-seeking objectives, also implying a moderation of their profile and a move towards mainstream parties. In response to the increasing organizational costs of public office, as well as to societal changes local New Politics Parties are compelled to look for cooperation formulas with other political actors in the form of local cartels or by affiliating with a national (green) party

Christian political participation in the Arab world

PostprintPeer reviewe

Sugar Supply Chains and Regional Development

The coastal Queensland regions are heavily dependent upon the sugar industry and are likely to remain so. The interplay between sugar industry and regional development is little understood beyond the historical record. Yet current reform proposals place great store on regional initiatives to rejuvenate both sugar and its host communities. Such proposals are at best naïve as will be seen in this paper. A key feature of sugar and like industries is a high degree of supply chain interdependence which is embedded in place and time. Reflecting this, sugar regions have a more diverse skills mix and a more advanced manufacturing and services capability than many other agriculturally-oriented regions, notably broadacre grain and beef. Central to the emergence of such a regional industrial structure are inter-industry transactions. These will be considered in both an input-output framework and from a transactions cost basis. Associated insights point to the inadequacy and likely failure of initiatives based on current “efficiency/productivity‿ thinking. Alternative ways to view the industry are discussed along with a recommendation that those involved with sugar regionally revisit current plans

Unspoken Immunity and Reimagined Justice: The Potential for Implementing Restorative Justice and Community Justice Models in Police-related Shootings

The purpose of this Note is to analyze the limitations of the criminal legal system when faced with cases of police-related shootings. Specifically, I will discuss two instances of police (mis)conduct that captured the attention of the nation in the past three years: the non-indictment of Cleveland Police Officer Timothy Loehmann and the conviction of NYPD Officer Peter Liang. First, by assessing the circumstances and responses to those two cases, I will argue that the criminal legal system is inherently incapable of responding to and remedying the violence that occurs in situations laced with power, privilege, and emotional trauma. Second, I will engage in an analysis of the growth of restorative justice and community justice practices within the United States in the last forty years in an attempt to expand on the current discussion surrounding police-related shootings. Finally, I will assess the potential value of utilizing restorative justice practices, grounded in a community justice model, in situations of police-related violence. The foundation of this Note is rooted in the recognition that attendant issues of power are necessarily bound up in any discussion of interactions between marginalized communities and actors of state-backed power. Therefore, the focus on police violence in marginalized urban communities necessitates an awareness and engagement of the discourses of power, both between individuals and social systems