French investment banks and the earthquake of post-war shocks (1944-1946)

After WWII and when the Libération governments reformed the country, a strong anticapitalist move set up against the powers of money. Arguments focused on the limits to fix for the pending nationalisations of firms by the State, either to punish bankers for their financial relations with German Europe, or to safeguard the State from the power of influence and submission attributed to the 200 Families or the Wall of Money, as they had been perceived since the interwar period where they were suspected of having suborned the political power. But part of the business circles still able to be heard and of parliamentary or administrative experts being aware of the genuine circuits of money, succeeded in convincing a majority at the Parliament to respect the private basis of a large fraction of the flows financing big business. The networks of “trust” which allowed to reach patrimonial assets of well-eased classes and the availabilities of big firms should be preserved, but also the knots of relations with the merchant and investment banks and with the financial places in foreign countries, mainly the Anglo-Saxon ones. This explains that Paribas and Banque de l’union parisienne escaped nationalisation.Banking ; nationalisations ; pressure groupes ; anticapitalism ; Libération of France ; investment banks ; industrial banking

Politique de développement de la collection

Cette politique a pour but d’assurer la spécificité, la pertinence et la cohésion de la collection du Centre de documentation collégiale. Elle définit également les critères de sélection utilisés ainsi que les principaux domaines couverts par la collection

Religion and Politics in Nigeria from 1841-1845: An Essay on Church-State Relationship

Il est souvent dit que religion, politique et économie s\u27allient. Emmanuel Orobator, dans son essai, tente de soutenir la thèse suivante: la religion fut le principal instrument qui permit d\u27asseoir les intérêts politique et économiques britanniques entre 1841 et 1885 dans la région qui, plus tard, se nommera Nigeria. Même si les missionnaires ne sont pas toujours considères comme agents de colonisation, il s\u27avère que leur collaboration fut largement bénéfique aux colons

Increasing women's representation in France and India

Cet article présente la question de la représentation politique des femmes en France et en Inde. Tout d’abord, il vise à mettre en évidence comment la représentation des femmes était inscrite à l’agenda politique de chaque pays. Ensuite, il propose un examen critique des arguments utilisés pour justifier la demande d’une meilleure représentation ainsi que de ceux pour s’y opposer. Enfin, il considère les conclusions que l’on peut tirer de ces deux cas. Dépassant les cadres comparatifs traditionnels utilisés par les féministes occidentales et en contestant l’insistance française sur l'idée d'une France unique, cet article identifie les particularismes et les points communs de chaque cas, pour tenter d’atteindre à ce que Shirin Rai appelle “un dépassement enraciné des frontières culturelles, historiques et politiques.” (Rai, 2000: 15)

Les racines historiques des conflits sociopolitiques en pays maasai, Kenya

This book is in French only. Abstract not available

Programme D'appui Aux Réformes du Secteur de L'énergie et à la Gouvernance Financière

The report presents the aid give by BAD to reform industrial sector in Comoros

Building a common european energy policy around a market based approach.

Pays de l'Union européenne; Politique énergétique;

"French Suburbs": a New Problem or a New Approach to Social Exclusion? GSPE Working Paper 1/27/2009

At the end of 1980s, the question of "quartiers sensibles" (at-risk neighborhoods) started being very publicized in France. It was not only the subject of many front page articles, but also the target of a new public policy aimed at promoting urban and social development in about 500 neighborhoods (Politique de la ville). I argue that such focalization on "quartiers sensibles" does not only result from increasing problems such as unemployment, poverty or juvenile delinquency. It also represents a major change in public policy. Focusing on "quartiers sensibles" directly contributed to the restructuring of the French Welfare State by centering its action on specific urban spaces rather than national territory, and on social links rather than economic reality, contrary to what Welfare State claimed to do during the Fordist period. The outbreak of November 2005 riots is inextricably bound up to the way some problems (like lack of communication and weakening social links) have been associated to the question of "quartiers sensibles" whereas the French model of integration, based on equality between abstract citizens, let some others (like ethnic discrimination) unquestioned

Rhythm-Sense-Subject, or: The Dynamic Un/Enfolding of Sense

This article traces Henri Meschonnic's concerted attempts to grasp the interaction rhythm-sense-subject, and situates this with the broader concerns of his work: the critique of ‘sign-thinking’, the elaboration of rhythm as le continu, his reflection on historical subjectivity. Meschonnic's thinking of rhythm is of an exigency from which he himself often shrinks back, notably through a series of equivocations (between language and sense, between rhythm as such and an individual rhythmic figure, between discourse as activity and an individual's discourse/idiom). The article focuses on these equivocations, and argues that within them we come to see the complexity, and mutability, of the rhythm-sense-subject interaction. It ends by proposing that we think the place of rhythm in this interaction in terms not of continuity/discontinuity, as per Meschonnic, but rather as a ‘dynamic unfolding/enfolding of sense’