Braver Mazarin. La duchesse de Bouillon dans la Fronde

Comme plusieurs autres femmes de son rang, la duchesse de Bouillon s’engage dans la Fronde pour soutenir les intérêts de sa famille. L’ampleur et la qualité de son réseau relationnel, ainsi que ses talents personnels, en font une adversaire redoutable pour le cardinal Mazarin, qui décide donc de la faire emprisonner en janvier 1650. Malgré les conditions très difficiles de sa détention, Madame de Bouillon semble devoir être une médiatrice de premier plan entre son mari rebelle et le cardinal-ministre. Cependant, en dépit de la détermination dont elle fait preuve, la duchesse ne parvient pas à s’imposer comme telle. Non seulement elle paraît trop engagée au service de sa maison mais aussi et surtout, elle est victime des préjugés misogynes de son temps, qui tendent à disqualifier le pouvoir féminin, toujours soupçonné d’être abusif, autoritaire et castrateur.The duchess of Bouillon got involved in the Fronde to protect her family’s interests like several other women of her rank. The breadth and quality of her social network, as well as her personal skills, made her a fearsome opponent to the cardinal Mazarin, provoking her imprisonment in January 1650. Despite the severity of her life in jail, Madame de Bouillon strove tenaciously to act as an intermediary between her husband and the prime minister. These efforts failed, however, because she was seen as being too subjected to her family’s interests. Above all, she was the victim of the misogynous mentality of her time that tended to disqualify women’s power, which was perceived as authoritative, abusive, and castrating

Les Frondeuses : l'activité politique des femmes de l'aristocratie et ses représentations de 1643 à 1661

This work aims at analysing the political role played by women of the aristocracy in the Fronde, as well as its representations in the XVIIth century, in order to highlight what is at stake politically, socially and culturally. The actions accomplished by women, but above all the views expressed about them, and all the communication strategies used by the Frondeuses to take part in the civil war are examined, as well as the strategies they and their contemporaries used to underline the part these women played in the political life. All those points reveal ideas about power, the field of activity of women and the relationships between power and women, which seem to be far more open and daring than the principle of male exclusive rights gives us to understand. All the political projects in which these fifteen women or so took part are taken into account, from the beginning of Ann of Austria’s regency in 1643 to the eve of Louis XIV’s personal reign in 1661. Two main means of action appear: the Amazons of the Fronde used military methods whereas the intriguers used diplomatic ones. A closer look at their behaviours leads to underline how deeply the Frondeuses were rooted in powerful networks of families, friends and clientage, where they held strategic positions. For several of them, the analysis of actions and discourses before, during and after the upheaval questions a possible attempt at feminist emancipation.Ce travail de recherche s’intéresse au rôle politique des femmes de l’aristocratie dans la Fronde et aux représentations dont il fait l’objet au XVIIe siècle, de façon à en faire apparaître les enjeux politiques, sociaux et culturels. Les actions accomplies, mais surtout les discours, les mises en scène et, plus généralement, toutes les stratégies de communication qu’emploient les Frondeuses et leur entourage pour intervenir dans la guerre civile sont examinés, de mêmes que les témoignages des contemporains. Or, les sources écrites et la documentation iconographique révèlent une conception du pouvoir, du champ d’action des femmes et des rapports entre femmes et pouvoir bien plus ouverte et audacieuse que ne le laisse entendre la règle de l’exclusif masculin. Tous les projets politiques auxquels participent ces femmes, une quinzaine environ, sont considérés, du début de la régence d’Anne d’Autriche en 1643 à l’avènement du règne personnel de Louis XIV en 1661. Deux modes d’action principaux apparaissent : les interventions à caractère militaire des Amazones de la Fronde d’une part, celles qui relèvent de la diplomatie occulte accomplies par les « intrigantes » d’autre part. L’examen des moyens employés conduit à souligner l’ancrage des Frondeuses dans des réseaux familiaux, amicaux et clientélaires puissants où elles occupent des positions stratégiques. Pour plusieurs d’entre elles, l’analyse des actes et des discours avant, pendant et après les troubles civils pose la question d’une éventuelle démarche d’émancipation à caractère féministe

Anaïs Dufour, Le pouvoir des « dames ». Femmes et pratiques seigneuriales en Normandie (1580-1620)

Cette étude, lauréate du prix Mnémosyne 2010, est issue du travail de recherche accompli par Anaïs Dufour dans le cadre de son master soutenu la même année à l’université de Rouen. En examinant la façon dont les femmes de la noblesse normande ont exercé le pouvoir seigneurial à la charnière des xvie et xviie siècles, l’auteure comble un vide historiographique et donne ici un nouvel exemple de l’importance et de la variété des pouvoirs féminins au temps de la première modernité. Laissant de cô..

High-throughput gene-expression quantification of grapevine defense responses in the field using microfluidic dynamic arrays

Background The fight against grapevine diseases due to biotrophic pathogens usually requires the massive use of chemical fungicides with harmful environmental effects. An alternative strategy could be the use of compounds able to stimulate plant immune responses which significantly limit the development of pathogens in laboratory conditions. However, the efficiency of this strategy in natura is still insufficient to be included in pest management programs. To understand and to improve the mode of action of plant defense stimulators in the field, it is essential to develop reliable tools that describe the resistance status of the plant upon treatment.[br/][br/] Results We have developed a pioneering tool (“NeoViGen96” chip) based on a microfluidic dynamic array platform allowing the expression profiling of 85 defense-related grapevine genes in 90 cDNA preparations in a 4 h single run. Two defense inducers, benzothiadiazole (BTH) and fosetyl-aluminum (FOS), have been tested in natura using the “NeoViGen96” chip as well as their efficacy against downy mildew.[br/] BTH-induced grapevine resistance is accompanied by the induction of PR protein genes (PR1, PR2 and PR3), genes coding key enzymes in the phenylpropanoid pathway (PAL and STS), a GST gene coding an enzyme involved in the redox status and an ACC gene involved in the ethylene pathway.[br/] FOS, a phosphonate known to possess a toxic activity against pathogens and an inducing effect on defense genes provided a better grapevine protection than BTH. Its mode of action was probably strictly due to its fungicide effect at high concentrations because treatment did not induce significant change in the expression level of selected defense-related genes.[br/] [br/] Conclusions The NeoViGen96” chip assesses the effectiveness of plant defense inducers on grapevine in vineyard with an excellent reproducibility. A single run with this system (4 h and 1,500 €), corresponds to 180 qPCR plates with conventional Q-PCR assays (Stragene system, 270 h and 9,000 €) thus a throughput 60–70 times higher and 6 times cheaper. Grapevine responses after BTH elicitation in the vineyard were similar to those obtained in laboratory conditions, whereas our results suggest that the protective effect of FOS against downy mildew in the vineyard was only due to its fungicide activity since no activity on plant defense genes was observed. This tool provides better understanding of how the grapevine replies to elicitation in its natural environment and how the elicitor potential can be used to reduce chemical fungicide inputs

Constitution d'un corpus de dialogue oral pour l'évaluation automatique de la compréhension hors- et en- contexte du dialogue

Colloque avec actes et comité de lecture. internationale.International audienceThis paper presents and reports on the progress of the EVALDA/MEDIA project, focusing on the recording protocol of the reference dialogue corpus. The aim of this project is to define and test an evaluation methodology that assess and diagnose the contextsensitive understanding capability of spoken language dialogue systems. Systems from both academic organizations (CLIPS, IRIT, LIA, LIMSI, LORIA, VALORIA) and industrial sites (FRANCE TELECOM R et D, TELIP) will be evaluated. ELDA is the coordinator of the Technolangue/EVALDA multicampaign evaluation project, a national initiative sponsored by the French government, of which MEDIA is a sub-campaign. MEDIA began in January 2003. VECSYS provides the recording platform for the project

Conceiving of addicted pleasures: A ‘modern’ paradox

Drawing on research with people who inject drugs in London, UK, this article will explore how participants conceived of pleasure, and try to understand some of the tensions that ensued. There is a strong sense in participants’ accounts that drug use is at points pleasurable but it should not, or rather, could not be conceived of in this way. As such, the article will reflect on several situations in which pleasure came up during fieldwork but was quickly redirected towards addiction using terms such as ‘denial’. Trying to make sense of this seemingly paradoxical dynamic, in which pleasure can be addictive, but addiction cannot be pleasurable, I turn to some of the practices that actively keep pleasure and addiction apart, indeed, in some areas of the addiction sciences, antithetical. That is, a singular account of pleasure is produced as freely chosen (of the ‘free’ subject) in opposition to the determined nature of addiction (of the automated brain or object). These realities materialise in participants’ accounts, but due to their constructed nature they also collapse and multiply. This ‘hybridisation’ is what Bruno Latour refers to as the paradox of the Moderns. Considering pleasure, however, as both natural and cultural, it is better conceived of as always in tension, expressed by participants as ‘mixed feelings’, ‘love/hate’, ‘sweet and sour’, ‘good things and bad things’. Against a backdrop of neglect, especially within the context of injecting drug use, such conceptualisation can help acknowledge pleasure where it is least conceivable and yet perhaps has the most to offer

De la guerre civile comme vecteur d’émancipation féminine : l’exemple des aristocrates frondeuses (France, 1648-1653)

Entre 1648 et 1653, la reine régente Anne d’Autriche eut beaucoup de peine à imposer une autorité féminine que le discours des juristes et des théoriciens politiques, souvent misogynes, avait largement contribué à décrédibiliser depuis la fin du XVIe siècle. Face à elle, les Frondeuses issues de l’aristocratie s’inspirèrent au contraire du discours de défense des femmes qui s’était répandu dans les milieux mondains peu avant les troubles pour intervenir dans la guerre civile et justifier leur participation à des entreprises militaires et politiques que leur interdisait théoriquement la « faiblesse » de leur sexe. Les plus engagées d’entre elles rédigèrent pendant la Fronde plusieurs textes justificatifs (pamphlets, lettres) dans lesquels elles mettaient en œuvre des stratégies discursives visant à les présenter comme des femmes d’État, aussi habiles et légitimes que leurs homologues masculins. La Grande Mademoiselle, dans les Mémoires qu’elle écrivit après la fin des troubles, revendique hautement cette compétence. Néanmoins, elle la réserve aux femmes de très haute lignée, subordonnant la hiérarchie entre les sexes à celle qui s’établit entre les rangs sociaux et promouvant ainsi une forme de féminisme élitiste.Between 1648 and 1653, Ann of Austria, queen regent of France, had some difficulty in establishing her authority, for the discourse of lawyers and political theoreticians had widely contributed to discredit feminine power since the end of the sixteenth century. At the same time, the Frondeuses from the aristocracy used the discourse in defence of women that had spread among society circles in the 1640s to take part in the civil war. It helped them to justify their military and political interventions despite their supposed “weakness”. The most committed of them wrote during the Fronde several texts (pamphlets, letters) showing themselves as stateswomen, as capable and rightful as their male counterparts. The Grande Mademoiselle, in her Memoirs, claims that same feminine ability but reserves it to women of high birth. She subordinates gender hierarchy to social hierarchy, thus promoting a kind of elitist feminism

Les dernières Amazones : réflexions sur la contestation de l’ordre politique masculin pendant la Fronde

During the Middle Ages and early modern times, the royal absolutism theoreticians made power an exclusively male field because of an alleged female inferiority. But this changing didn’t please aristocracy, favourable to a temperate monarchy. All the more so as women had always been active rulers among them. The Fronde was to some extent a way to express this discontent. The civil troubles gave noble women a way to challenge the patriarchal aspect of monarchy. But the failure of the Fronde was also the one of these female fighters, as women and as aristocrats. Nevertheless, the battle against patriarchal order didn’t end under the personal rule of Louis XIV. Writing was among the means that allowed these women to go on claiming power in the public sphere

Sophie Vergnes, L’engagement politique des femmes pendant la Fronde

L’architecture de ce mémoire laisse clairement voir qu’il s’agit d’un travail préparatoire à une thèse, actuellement en cours, dont l’enjeu principal est d’examiner la place du féminin dans l’arène politique au crépuscule des temps baroques et à l’aube du monde classique. Le bilan historiographique qui ouvre cette étude témoigne d’une interrogation constante sur le sujet. Alors que, du XVIIIe siècle au début du XXe, l’histoire de la Fronde s’enrichit des nouveaux documents exhumés par les che..

Des discours de la discorde : les femmes, la Fronde et l’écriture de l’histoire

Louis XIV, traumatisé par la Fronde, souhaita faire oublier l’insubordination passée en la rayant d’une histoire désormais écrite sous son contrôle. Cependant, des voix s’élevèrent pour restaurer la mémoire de la guerre civile, en particulier celle de la très grande mixité des milieux de pouvoir qui avait caractérisé la période des troubles. Les mémorialistes de la Fronde, hommes et femmes, contribuèrent à en faire perdurer le souvenir, tout comme les Frondeuses l’avaient fait elles-mêmes du temps de leur gloire en écrivant toutes sortes de textes (lettres, pamphlets, manifestes) destinés à les mettre en valeur. La Grande Mademoiselle, l’une des plus actives, ne se borna pas à laisser des traces de sa participation aux affaires, elle voulut aussi en faire l’histoire et en décrypter la signification dans ses Mémoires. Un tel récit, volontairement partial et engagé, semble faire échec à la volonté royale de toute-puissance et défier l’ordre patriarcal restauré. Il offre, en tout cas, une vision alternative, féminine et, dans une certaine mesure, féministe, du Grand Règne.Deeply shocked by the Fronde, Louis XIV tried to erase it from a history that was to be written under his control. Nevertheless, voices rose to restore the memory of the civil war, by insisting above all on the great mixing of men and women that characterised the spheres of power during the political turmoil. The memorialists of the Fronde, men or women, contributed to this, just as the Frondeuses themselves did in their glory days by writing various texts (letters, pamphlets, manifestos) intended to show them at their best. The Grande Mademoiselle, one of the most active Frondeuses, not only left evidence of her own action but also wanted to write its history and give it a meaning in her Memoirs. Such a text, voluntarily biased and committed, seemed to foil Louis XIV’s will for supremacy and to challenge the restored patriarchal order. It gave, in any case, an alternative, feminine – and to some extent feminist – view of the Great Rule