Law and society in a natural laboratory: the case of Poland in the broader context of East-Central Europe

Socio-legal studies in the environment of legal pluralism; Socio-legal scholars as public intellectuals; The "unexpected" career of functionalism during communism; In search of new concepts and methods: socio-legal studies after the collapse of communism; Concluding remarks

Znieważający konstytucjonalizm i konstytucjonalizm znieważony. Refleksja socjologiczna na temat kryzysu liberalno-demokratycznego konstytucjonalizmu w Europie pokomunistycznej

This paper debates abusive constitutionalism and constitutionalism abused as ways to introduce a fundamental change of political system. Abusive constitutionalism consists in a change of a democratic regime in a less democratic one with the help of democratic means, i.e. democratically legitimized change of the existing constitution, or proclamation of a new constitution, as it recently happened in Hungary. An example of abused constitutionalism presents contemporary Poland. There the fundamental change of democratic regime happens notwithstanding the still binding constitution, as in an oblivion of it, by the means of ordinary laws proclaimed in a rush process by the ruling parliamentary majority. The whole process is steered in an informal way by the chairman of the ruling party. The important context of abusive constitutionalism, and of constitutionalism abused, as I am going to argue, presentst he crisis of liberal constitutionalism, the loss of its motivational force as a moral sign-post in the public sphere. Instead, one observes a retreat to some primordial and emotionally laden conceptualizations of a politically organized community (a Gemeinschaft) where emotions, primary bonds, foundational myths are more important than law and liberal constitution. Such a retreat results from the past but also presents a reaction to the growing complexity of the contemporary world, and involved risks

The question on the topicality of Niklas Luhmann's political theory

Po blisko trzydziestu latach od opublikowania przez Niklasa Luhmanna książki na temat państwa bezpieczeństwa socjalnego pojawia się pytanie o aktualność teorii politycznej tego autora, w tym w szczególności o aktualność koncepcji inkluzji politycznej. Poniższe krótkie uwagi stanowią rozwinięcie hipotezy o dezaktualizacji koncepcji politycznej inkluzji, a przynajmniej ograniczeniu jej mocy wyjaśniającej. Systemem, którego skutki dotyczą coraz szerszych obszarów społecznych (a zatem dotyczą innych systemów funkcjonalnych, w tym systemu politycznego), staje się system ekonomiczny, rozumiany jako system efektywnej gospodarki. Hipoteza ta znajduje swoje uzasadnienie w analizie tak odległych obszarów jak prawo, ochrona zdrowia czy nauka.After almost thirty years when the Niklas Luhmann’s book on political theory of social security state was published a question emerges on the topicality of this author’s political theory. It is, in particular, a question on the theory of political inclusion. According to a hypothesis, debated in this paper, Niklas Luhmann’s political theory looses its immediate interest in the contemporary world, or at least, its explanatory potential is seriously limited. The system, whose consequences became ever more important for ever broader social areas, has become an economic system. This hypothesis is debated with regard to law, health care and science

The decline of liberal constitutionalism in East Central Europe

Liberal constitutionalism has been challenged not only in East Central Europe. However, Western democracies can cope successfully with attacks on liberal constitutionalism. They have strong institutions, such as courts, media and civil services. Where such institutions are weak, the danger of a drift toward authoritarianism is serious, especially when liberal constitutionalism is not supported by the majority of the people. This chapter debates the growing authoritarianism in Poland - as a particular case study - in order to illustrate the current dramatic rapidity and the comprehensive nature and efficiency of the devastation of liberal democratic constitutionalism. The changes in Poland are debated and contrasted with the changes of constitutionalism in Hungary, presently on the verge of some form of authoritarianism, too. Blatant instrumentalism, and in the Polish case the almost legal nihilism of the approach to the constitution and to the rule of law, characterise the ruling majorities in Hungary and Poland. Some explanation of the rejection of liberal constitutionalism in both countries is presented by reference to the lack of popular legitimisation in values and world-views as an important component of liberal constitutionalism and by reference to the rule of law