Une évaluation économique de la foresterie communautaire

Deux approches théoriques complémentaires ont permis d’analyser l’efficacité de la gestion communautaire des ressources forestières dans le Sud-Ouest malgache (Loi Gelose) : la théorie des institutions évoquant les règles formelles et informelles de gestion des ressources appuyée par la mésoéconomie qui éclaire les stratégies des acteurs tirant profit de chaque catégorie de règle. L’objet est de comparer le pouvoir de ces normes en focalisant l’analyse sur le volume monétaire global et sa redistribution au sein des acteurs. Le défrichement entretient des filières beaucoup plus lucratives et distributrices de revenu à l’instar des filières maïs et charbon de bois comparées à la gestion communautaire. Il génère un chiffre d’affaires annuel total de 6,768 milliards A (2,5 millions €), une valeur trois fois supérieure à la valeur du financement du transfert de gestion. Si la gestion communautaire n’est dotée que d’un faible pouvoir économique de redistribution, la pratique du défrichement recèle par contre une double efficacité dans sa possibilité de générer un revenu redistribué par le mécanisme du marché et dans sa capacité à fournir une alternative aux problèmes des zones de famine. La viabilité des transferts de gestion ne peut pas être garantie sans renforcement du système local d’autonomisation financière au moyen d’incitations et alternatives économiques.An economic valuation of the Communal management forestryTwo complementary theoretical approaches enabled to analyze the efficiency of the communal management of South-Eastern Malagasy forest resources. One of these, the institution theory, deals with formal and informal resource management rules which are supported by the economy. This latter reveals the way officials take advantage of every type of rule. The aim is to compare the power of these standards by focusing the analysis on the overall monetary gain and its redistribution among the officials.The practice of cut and burn brings up much more lucrative value chains such as corn and charcoal speculations, compared to the communal management. Indeed, this process generates an annual total turnover of 6,768 billion Ariary (2,5 million €), which is three times higher than the management transfer’s grant. If the communal management has low redistribution economical power, on the other hand, the practice of cut and burn is much more efficient as it enables to generate an income that is redistributed by the way the market works, and provides solutions to the problems of starvation areas. The management transfers viability cannot be guaranteed without improving local community financial independancy by sensitization and also by the suggestion of new economical solutions

Politiques forestières à Madagascar entre répression et autonomie des acteurs

Dès le début du xxe siècle, la législation forestière coloniale à Madagascar a, par la mise en place d’une politique répressive, voulu contraindre les populations à respecter une nature exceptionnelle. Cette politique n’a pas empêché sa dégradation. En 1990, une nouvelle politique forestière a été initiée pour redonner aux populations locales un rôle majeur dans sa protection. Nous présentons l’évolution historique qui a conduit Madagascar dans une situation où la mise en œuvre de cette nouvelle politique reste inachevée mais demeure à nos yeux la seule possible à ce jour.At the beginning of the xxth century, the colonial forest policy in Madagascar wanted, by the implementation of a repressive policy, to force populations to respect this nature. This policy did not stop degradation. In 1990s, a new forest policy was organized to restore to the local populations a major role for forest ecosystems protection. We present the historic evolution which lead Madagascar in a situation where the implementation of this new policy is not completely achieved but still stays for us the only potential way

Circuit court du marché des produits agricoles: pour une gestion efficace du paysage ouvert, cas du bassin-versant de Maningory, Madagascar

Separated by the Zahamena National park, smallholder farmers in the western part of the Maningory watershed largely rely on irrigated rice cropping, whereas those on the eastern front mainly rely on cash crops cultivated using slash and burn practices known as tavy in addition to rice cultivation. The watershed is made up of a mosaic of open landscapes, defined in this article as all grasslands, degraded cropland, and agricultural land. This mosaic is interspersed with the forests of the Zahamena National Park as well as those of eucalyptus reforestation, and Lake Alaotra’s marshlands. As cultivable rice parcels become increasingly scarce, farmers are pushed to extend their farming into the tanety and open landscape. This study aims to gain a better understanding of the role of local agricultural product markets commercialization in landscape changes. Two approaches were implemented to this end, namely companion modelling using role-playing games and personal interviews. Results show that small farming economy is largely based on local subsistence. Most of the agricultural production is used for personal consumption, leading to a weak resilience of the landscape and suggesting high vulnerability towards the market. The role of the market on land use strategies remains allusive and intrinsically linked to the product prices, as well as to the ease of access to locations. RésuméSéparés par le rideau forestier du Parc National Zahamena, les paysans du côté Ouest du bassin versant du Maningory vivent en grande partie de la riziculture irriguée, alors que sur le versant Est, la culture itinérante sur brûlis ou tavy caractérise les pratiques agricoles des paysans. Ils sont connus pour les cultures pluviales de riz, d’arachide, de haricot et les cultures de rente de girofle, de café, et de letchi. Le bassin versant est constitué de la forêt naturelle de l’Aire Protégée, de la forêt de reboisement d’eucalyptus et des zones marécageuses autour du Lac Alaotra. Cet ensemble forme une mosaïque de paysage ouvert—défini dans cet article comme l’ensemble des zones herbeuses et arbustives, des zones de culture sur formations dégradées, ainsi que des espaces cultivables en bas-fond et en bas de pente. Le constat est que les surfaces des rizières cultivables deviennent de plus en plus restreintes, incitant les paysans à coloniser les tanety ou le paysage ouvert pour les pratiques agricoles. Cet article tente de comprendre le rôle du circuit court de commercialisation des produits agricoles dans le changement d’occupation de ce paysage. Deux approches ont été utilisées à cette fin : la modélisation d’accompagnement à travers un jeu de rôle, et des entretiens individuels. Les résultats démontrent que l’économie paysanne est surtout basée sur une économie de subsistance. La plupart de la production agricole est destinée à l’autosubsistance, incitant ainsi une faible résilience du paysage et suggère une forte vulnérabilité face à l’économie de marché. Le rôle du marché dans les stratégies d’occupation du sol reste encore allusif mais intrinsèquement lié au prix des produits agricoles et à l’accessibilité des sites

La Loi Gelose et le transfert de gestion des Ressources Naturelles à Madagascar

La politique publique mettant en place une gestion communautaire à travers le programme Gelose a été conduite dans la seconde moitié des années 1990 à Madagascar. La Loi 96-025 sur la gestion locale des ressources naturelles est issue du Programme National d’Action Environnementale (PNAE), phase 1 de 1991 à 1996 (Montagne et al., 2007). Après sa promulgation en septembre 1996, la mise en œuvre de la loi a été préparée par la cellule Gelose de l’Office National de l’environnement (ONE) et app..

Pinus kesiya spread on the endemic Tapia forest: ecological characteristic analysis approach

Biological invasion of alien species is the second major threat to the sustainability of biodiversity within natural forest ecosystems. In Madagascar, the forest vestige of the highlands, Tapia forest which is source of more than 7% of income of the local population, is subject to such invasion. Pinus sp are invading more and more this ecosystem. In relation to this phenomenon, two great theories can be raised to explain the installation of species within a community. In order to understand the method of installation of Pinus species inside the Tapia forest, this study has tried to understand if there are parameters that influence this phenomenon. From a forest inventory on a total area of 3.75 ha, or 0.7% of the total Tapia forest at Arivonimamo II, we collected all ecological data concerning the biophysical, dendrometric and topographic characteristics of the stand. Statistical analyzes such as multi-component analysis and comparison analysis of the environment (invaded and non-invaded) yielded the abundance of Uapaca bojeri (a dominant species in the forest) but also the specific diversity within the stand negatively affects the existence of Pinus. This means that the smaller the number of individuals and fewer species, the easier Pinus is to install. As a result, we concluded that the environmental characteristics influence the distribution of exotic species such as Pinus sp within a forest ecosystem such as the Tapia forest

Can REDD+ social safeguards reach the ‘right’ people? Lessons from Madagascar

AbstractThere is extensive debate about the potential impact of the climate mechanism REDD+ on the welfare of forest-dwelling people. To provide emission reductions, REDD+ must slow the rate of deforestation and forest degradation: such a change will tend to result in local opportunity cost to farmers at the forest frontier. Social safeguard processes to mitigate negative impacts of REDD+ are being developed and can learn from existing safeguard procedures such as those implemented by the World Bank. Madagascar has a number of REDD+ pilot projects with World Bank support including the Corridor Ankeniheny-Zahamena (CAZ). Nearly two thousand households around the corridor have been identified as ‘project affected persons’ (PAPs) and given compensation. We compare households identified as project affected persons with those not identified. We found households with more socio-political power locally, those with greater food security, and those that are more accessible were more likely to be identified as eligible for compensation while many people likely to be negatively impacted by the REDD+ project did not receive compensation. We identify three issues which make it difficult for a social safeguard assessment to effectively target the households for compensation: (a) poor information on location of communities and challenging access means that information does not reach remote households; (b) reluctance of people dependant on shifting agriculture to reveal this due to government sanctions; and (c) reliance by safeguard assessors on non-representative local institutions. We suggest that in cases where the majority of households are likely to bear costs and identification of affected households is challenging, the optimal, and principled, strategy may be blanket compensation offered to all the households in affected communities; avoiding the dead weight costs of ineffective safeguard assessments. The Paris Agreement in December 2015 recognised REDD+ as a key policy instrument for climate change mitigation and explicitly recognised the need to respect human rights in all climate actions. However, safeguards will be prone to failure unless those entitled to compensation are aware of their rights and enabled to seek redress where safeguards fail. This research shows that existing safeguard commitments are not always being fulfilled and those implementing social safeguards in REDD+ should not continue with business as usual