Ideology and rationality: the Europeanisation of the Scottish National Party

'Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit den Auswirkungen der Europäisierung auf einen regionalen Akteur, namentlich die Schottische Nationalpartei (SNP). Der Autor analysiert die Reaktion der Partei auf den Beitritt Großbritanniens zur Europäischen Union und die Adaption ihrer Strategie zur Erlangung der schottischen Unabhängigkeit. Dazu werden zwei unterschiedliche Perioden - nämlich 1974-1979 und 1988-1997 - miteinander verglichen, in denen die Partei eine entscheidende Rolle in den Bestrebungen nach schottischer Unabhängigkeit spielte. Beide Perioden gipfelten in einem Referendum: Während die Einrichtung einer regionalen Volksvertretung 1979 abgelehnt wurde, wurde dieses Vorhaben 1997 unterstützt. In der Zeit zwischen den beiden Volksabstimmungen wandelte sich nicht nur die Haltung der SNP gegenüber der EU radikal, sondern die Partei änderte auch ihre Instrumentalisierung 'Europas' im Kampf für die eigenen politischen Ziele. Während der ersten Periode nahm die SNP eine stark anti-europäische Haltung ein und stellte die Mitgliedschaft in der EU als ein zusätzliches Hindernis auf dem Weg zur schottischen Unabhängigkeit dar. Im Gegensatz dazu vertrat die SNP in der zweiten Periode eine pro-europäische Haltung und passte ihre Strategie an das nun modifizierte Ziel 'Unabhängigkeit in Europa' an. Die Partei erfuhr im Zuge der Europäisierung einen Wandel von einer extrem europa-skeptischen zu einer Europa stark befürwortenden Partei. Der Beitrag setzte sich mit diesem Anpassungsprozess und seinen Konsequenzen für die schottische Unabhängigkeitspolitik auseinander. Der Autor argumentiert, dass die Reaktion der Partei auf die Europäisierung als komplexes Zusammenspiel zwischen ideologischer Überzeugung und strategischem Kalkül verstanden werden kann.' (Autorenreferat)'This article deals with the impact of Europeanisation on a regionalist party actor: the Scottish National Party (SNP). It investigates how the party reacted to the UK's membership of the European Union and how it adapted its strategy in pursuing its aim of Scottish self-government. The article does so on the basis of a comparison over time between the periods 1974-1979 and 1988-1997, during which the party played a crucial role in the politics of Scottish self-government. Each of the two periods culminated in a referendum: in 1979 Scottish self-government was rejected whereas in 1997 it was endorsed. Between the dates of the two referendums the SNP radically changed its perception of the EU and its strategic use of 'Europe' for its political ends. In the first period, the SNP was deeply hostile to the EU and portrayed EU membership as an additional obstacle to the achievement of self-government while in the second period it adopted a very positive attitude towards the EU and recentred its strategy around the objective of achieving 'Independence in Europe'. The party thus underwent a process of Europeanisation from hostility to enthusiasm towards the EU. The article explains this adaptation and accounts for the consequences that the latter had on the politics of self-government in Scotland. It argues that the party's reaction to Europeanisation can be understood as the result of a complex interaction between ideological beliefs and rational strategic calculations.' (author's abstract

Helping hand or centralizing tool? The politics of conditional grants in Australia, Canada, and the United States

Conditional grant programs are widely used in federal systems to address the tension between decentralized policy provision and territorial equity, given constraints on constituent units' ability to raise revenues. While enhancing their financial capacity, conditional grants are often seen as reducing constituent units' policy autonomy. Against this backdrop, this article examines the actual impact conditional grants have on the capacity and autonomy of a constituent unit. We analyze key milestones in the genesis and evolution of conditional grant programs in education and healthcare in Australia, Canada, and the United States. We find that the impact of conditional grants primarily depends on constituent units' size, fiscal capacity, and distinctiveness. Conditional grants are most beneficial to smaller and/or fiscally weaker constituent units but highly distinctive units suffer the most significant autonomy losses. If they are not to exacerbate centralization, conditional grants programs thus need to be sensitive to the preferences of the more distinctive constituent units

Conceptualizing, Measuring, and Theorizing Dynamic De/Centralization in Federations

This paper develops a conceptual, methodological and theoretical framework for analyzing dynamic de/centralization in federations. It starts by briefly reviewing the literature and outlining the research design and methods adopted. It then conceptualizes static de/centralization and describes the seven-point coding scheme we have employed to measure it across twenty-two policy areas and five fiscal categories at ten-year intervals since the establishment of a federation. The subsequent section conceptualizes dynamic de/centralization as a process marked by changes in the distribution of power between the two orders of government in at least one policy or fiscal category and discusses its five main properties: direction, magnitude, form, tempo, and instruments. Drawing from several strands of the literature, in the last substantive section, the paper builds a theoretical framework that identifies seven categories of causal determinants of dynamic de/centralization, from which we derive a set of hypotheses for assessment

Dynamic De/Centralization in Federations: Comparative Conclusions

This article develops a conceptual, methodological and theoretical framework for analyzing dynamic de/centralization in federations. It first reviews the literature and outlines the research design and methods adopted. It then conceptualizes static de/centralization and describes the seven-point coding scheme we employed to measure it across twenty-two policy areas and five fiscal categories at ten-year intervals since the establishment of a federation. The subsequent section conceptualizes dynamic de/centralization and discusses its five main properties: direction, magnitude, form, tempo, and instruments. Drawing from several strands of the literature, the article lastly identifies seven categories of causal determinants of dynamic de/centralization, from which we derive hypotheses for assessment

Authoritarianism, Democracy and De/Centralization in Federations: What Connections?

What is the impact of democracy/authoritarianism regime change on de/centralization in federations? Based on annual coding of three politico-institutional aspects, 22 policy fields, and five fiscal categories, this article maps de/centralization in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Nigeria and Pakistan from the establishment of their respective federal orders to 2020. It shows that de/centralization varies greatly across its different dimensions as well as between systems, with centralization being the dominant long-term trend but with significant exceptions, notably Pakistan. Regime change plays a major role in de/centralization but not always in line with the usual expectation that authoritarian regimes centralize and democratic ones decentralize. Other factors that cut across the authoritarianism/democracy divide, notably ideological orientations, have substantial impacts on de/centralization. By investigating long-run patterns of de/centralization in federations that have experienced democracy/authoritarianism regime change, the article sheds light on how federalism operates beyond consolidated democracies

Dynamic De/Centralization in Switzerland, 1848-2010

Part of the project Why Centralization and Decentralization in Federations?, this article studies dynamic de/centralization in Switzerland since 1848 and seeks to account for the patterns observed. It shows that, overall, there has been a wide-ranging process of legislative centralization, whereas the cantons have retained considerable administrative and, especially, fiscal autonomy. The principal instrument of dynamic centralization has been constitutional change, followed by the enactment of framework legislation by the federal government. The process has unfolded primarily through frequent steps of a small magnitude and occurred throughout the 160-year life of the federation. Modernization, market integration, changing patterns of collective identification, and expectations concerning the role of government appear to have played a particularly important causal role. The multilingual and bi-confessional nature of the country has not presented a major obstacle to this centralization dynamic, particularly since World War II, with the French-speaking minority becoming increasingly pro-centralization

Conceptualizing, Measuring, and Mapping State Structures – With an Application to Western Europe, 1950—2015

This paper addresses long-standing challenges in conceptualizing and measuring state structures. It first outlines a novel conceptualization of the unitary/federal distinction and its relation to de/centralization and a/symmetry, from which it derives static and dynamic typologies. It subsequently develops a scheme for measuring de/centralization that is able to capture the conceptual distinction between unitary and federal states. The scheme is then applied to map state structures in Western Europe from 1950—2015. This mapping exercise shows that some states constitutionally defined as federal are best classified as unitary from a political science perspective and others, constitutionally defined as unitary, should be considered de facto federal. By developing a more effective classification of cases for comparative analysis, the paper offers a tool on which theoretical and empirical advances in understanding the causes and effects of state structures can be built

Ideology and Rationality: the Europeanisation of the Scottish National Party

This article deals with the process of Europeanisation of a regional actor, the Scottish National Party (SNP), in the period between 1973 - when the UK entered the European Union - and 1997 - when a devolved Scottish parliament was established. The party played a crucial role in the politics of Scottish self-government, especially in the two phases when the latter was at the forefront of the UK political agenda, culminating in two referendums: 1973-79 and 1988-97