A qualitative analysis of environmental policy and children's health in Mexico

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>Since Mexico's joining the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 1994, it has witnessed rapid industrialization. A byproduct of this industrialization is increasing population exposure to environmental pollutants, of which some have been associated with childhood disease. We therefore identified and assessed the adequacy of existing international and Mexican governance instruments and policy tools to protect children from environmental hazards.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>We first systematically reviewed PubMed, the Mexican legal code and the websites of the United Nations, World Health Organization, NAFTA and OECD as of July 2007 to identify the relevant governance instruments, and analyzed the approach these instruments took to preventing childhood diseases of environmental origin. Secondly, we interviewed a purposive sample of high-level government officials, researchers and non-governmental organization representatives, to identify their opinions and attitudes towards children's environmental health and potential barriers to child-specific protective legislation and implementation.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>We identified only one policy tool describing specific measures to reduce developmental neurotoxicity and other children's health effects from lead. Other governance instruments mention children's unique vulnerability to ozone, particulate matter and carbon monoxide, but do not provide further details. Most interviewees were aware of Mexican environmental policy tools addressing children's health needs, but agreed that, with few exceptions, environmental policies do not address the specific health needs of children and pregnant women. Interviewees also cited state centralization of power, communication barriers and political resistance as reasons for the absence of a strong regulatory platform.</p> <p>Conclusions</p> <p>The Mexican government has not sufficiently accounted for children's unique vulnerability to environmental contaminants. If regulation and legislation are not updated and implemented to protect children, increases in preventable exposures to toxic chemicals in the environment may ensue.</p

Abortion in Democratic Spain: The Parliamentary Political Agenda 1979–2004

Desde la transición de España a la democracia, el aborto ha sido asunto de políticas públicas dentro y fuera del parlamento. En este artículo se describe la historia de la reforma de la ley de aborto en España desde 1979 hasta 2004, y se analiza el discurso sobre el aborto por parte de los parlamentarios españoles, por sexo y afiliación política. El análisis se basa en un estudio retrospectivo de la frecuencia de iniciativas legislativas y la prevalencia de diferentes argumentos y posiciones en debates sobre aborto, encontradas mediante una búsqueda sistemática en la base de datos parlamentaria. No se dedicó mucho tiempo al aborto en la agenda parlamentaria, comparado con otros asuntos relacionados con las mujeres, como la violencia contra éstas. Hubo 229 iniciativas parlamentarias en ese período, el 60% iniciadas y dirigidas por mujeres por el derecho a decidir; 143 diputadas y 72 diputados participaron en los debates. La aceptación de motivos socioeconómicos para tener un aborto legal (64%) y la legalización de la práctica de abortos a petición en el primer trimestre del embarazo (60%) fueron las formas más frecuentes propuestas para reformar la ley, principalmente a raíz de argumentos referentes a los derechos de las mujeres. Hombres y mujeres afiliados a partidos contra el derecho a decidir, y la mayoría de los hombres afiliados a otros partidos abogaron por los derechos del feto. Los partidos por el derecho a decidir presentaron más proyectos de ley que aquellos en contra, pero hasta ahora, se ha votado en contra de todas las reformas propuestas desde 1985.Since Spain’s transition to democracy, abortion has been a public policy issue both inside and outside parliament. This paper describes the history of abortion law reform in Spain from 1979 to 2004 and analyses the discourse on abortion of members of the Spanish parliament by sex and political allegiance. The analysis is based on a retrospective study of the frequency of legislative initiatives and the prevalence of different arguments and positions in debates on abortion found through a systematic search of the parliamentary database. Little time was given to abortion in the parliamentary agenda compared to other women’s issues such as violence against women. There were 229 bills and other parliamentary initiatives in that period, 60% initiated and led by pro-choice women. 143 female and 72 male parliamentarians took part in the debates. The inclusion of socio-economic grounds for legal abortion (64%), and making abortion on request legal in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy (60%) were the most frequent forms of law reform proposed, based most often on pro-women’s rights arguments. Male and female members of anti-choice parties and most male members of other parties argued for fetal rights. Pro-choice parties tabled more bills than anti-choice parties but till now all reforms proposed since 1985 have been voted down.Depuis la transition de l’Espagne vers la démocratie, l’avortement est une question politique à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du Parlement. Cet article retrace l’histoire de la réforme de la législation sur l’avortement en Espagne de 1979 à 2004 et analyse le discours des députés espagnols, par sexe et appartenance politique. L’analyse est fondée sur une étude de la fréquence des initiatives législatives et de la prévalence des différents arguments dans les débats sur l’avortement, effectuée à l’aide d’une recherche systématique dans la base de données parlementaire. Les travaux parlementaires ont consacré peu de temps à l’avortement par comparaison à d’autres questions intéressant les femmes, comme la violence contre les femmes. On a recensé 229 propositions de lois et autres initiatives parlementaires pendant cette période, dont 60% lancées et dirigées par des femmes favorables à l’avortement. Parmi les députés ayant participé au débat, il y avait 143 femmes et 72 hommes. L’inclusion de motifs socio-économiques pour l’avortement légal (64%) et la légalisation de l’avortement pendant les 12 premières semaines de grossesse (60%) étaient les propositions les plus fréquentes, basées le plus souvent sur le droit des femmes à choisir. Les membres masculins et féminins de partis opposés à l’avortement et la plupart des membres masculins d’autres partis militaient pour les droits du foetus. Les partis pour le libre choix ont présenté davantage de propositions de loi que les partis contre l’avortement, mais, depuis 1985, toutes les réformes ont été refusées.Spanish Research Network on Health and Gender, Institute of Health Carlos III, Ministry of Health, Spai

Who embodies the evaluative state? Programmatic actors in the chilean and colombian policies of quality assurance in higher education

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