313 research outputs found

    Is There a Xi Jinping Model of Economic Reform?

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    L’impact des événements de Tiananmen sur la transition économique chinoise

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    Le mouvement démocratique du printemps 1989 et le massacre du 4 juin ont constitué un très grave défi à la légitimité du Parti communiste chinois. Vingt ans après, il apparaît que le Parti a réussi à le surmonter au prix d’un retour aux fondamentaux politiques de l’Etat-Parti léniniste et d’un recours au nationalisme comme légitimité de remplacement. Mais, malgré tous ses efforts pour occulter et déformer l’histoire de la « tourmente » de 1989 (dont témoignent les manuels scolaires et universitaires), il n’a pas réussi à se débarrasser de cette tache historique. La question de la reconnaissance des responsabilités et celle d’une éventuelle « réconciliation » continuent à se poser

    The Impact of the Tiananmen Crisis on China's Economic Transition

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    The social and economic model that emerged out of the Tiananmen crisis was profoundly different from that contemplated on the eve of Tiananmen. China made a firm transition to a high-input, high investment, high growth model of development. The broad but vague social consensus in favour of political and economic reforms that underlay the Tiananmen protests crumbled, while the economy boomed and some people became much better off. In the post- Tiananmen period a strong economic logic and a strong political logic coincided to produce a policy regime that was remarkably consistent and strongly self-replicating

    A Coding System to Quantify Powerful Actions in Soccer Match Play:A Pilot Study

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    Purpose: The powerful activity profile of elite soccer match play has not been documented appropriately to inform specific maximal power assessment and development criteria. The aims of the current study were to develop a reliable  soccer-specific powerful action (SSPA) notational analysis coding system that could be used to compare frequency and durations of powerful actions during elite youth soccer match play. Methods: Sixteen elite male English Premier League (EPL) Academy players (19 ± 1 yrs) were recorded by an individual camera during 16 competitive EPL U18 and U21 games. Video footage was analyzed using performance analysis software and SSPAs were coded according to the following categories: initial acceleration, leading acceleration, sprint, unilateral jump and bilateral jump. Results: The SSPA coding system demonstrated very good inter- and intra-rater reliability (kappa coefficients ≥ 0.827). Elite youth EPL soccer players undertook significantly more initial (31 ± 9) and leading (37 ± 12) accelerations than sprints (8 ± 3; p = .014, d = 1.7, and p &lt; .001, d = 1.7, respectively) and jumps (6 ± 5; p = .002, d = 1.7 and p &lt; .001, d = 1.7, respectively). Players performed a significantly greater number of initial and leading accelerations with action durations below 1.5 s compared to above 1.5 s (p = .001, d = 1.6, and p = .002, d = 1.4), respectively. Conclusions: Our SSPA coding system provides a reliable observational instrument for quantifying the frequency and duration of powerful actions performed during elite soccer match play. In our sample of elite youth soccer players, horizontal accelerations of short duration (&lt; 1.5 s) from different starting speeds appear the most dominant powerful action in elite youth soccer match play.</p

    Association of PET-based estradiol-challenge test for breast cancer progesterone receptors with response to endocrine therapy

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    Clinical estrogen receptor (ER) testing for breast cancer is limited in predicting response to endocrine therapy (ET). In this phase 2 clinical trial, authors demonstrate that the responsiveness to ET can be predicted by use of PET/CT with 21-[18F]fluorofuranylnorprogesterone (FFNP) to detect the change in tumor progesterone receptor (PgR) levels after a one-day estradiol challenge

    Free-sugar, total-sugar, fibre and micronutrient intake within elite youth British soccer players: a nutritional transition from schoolboy to fulltime soccer player.

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    It is recommended that soccer players consume a high carbohydrate (CHO) diet to augment performance. However, growing evidence suggests that there is a link between high free-sugar (FS) intake (>5% total energy intake; TEI) and metabolic diseases. Furthermore, foods that are often high in sugar, such as processed foods, are typically lacking in nutrient quality. We therefore analysed total- and FS, dietary fibre and micronutrient intake of players from an English Premier League academy under(U) 18 (n=13); U15/16 (n=25); U13/14 (n=21) using a 7-day food diary. Data was compared to current UK dietary reference value (DRV) for free-sugar via a t-test. The U13/14s (1018 %) and U15/16s (1130 %) both consumed higher amounts of free-sugar in comparison to the UK DRV of 5% TEI 5% (P<0.01), conversely, the U18s did not exceed the DRV (513 %). Furthermore, FS intake of the U18s was significantly lower than the U13/14s and U15/16s (P<0.01). Dietary fibre was below the DRV (25g/d for U13/14 & U15/16s; 30g/d for U18s) for all squads (19.04.7; 19.68.3; 17.14.2 g/d, respectively), but not different between squads. Additionally, micronutrient reference intakes were generally met. In conclusion, we provide novel data on dietary sugar, fibre and micronutrient intake within elite youth soccer players. We report an apparent 'nutritional transition' from schoolboy to fulltime soccer player, with U18s showing a significantly lower intake of sugar in comparison to younger squads, and a similar intake of FS to the UK DRVs. Practitioners should target improving player education around sugar and fibre consumption

    Wielding the sword: President Xi’s new anti-corruption campaign

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    A state achieves legitimacy through multiple sources, one of which is the effectiveness of its governance. Generations of scholars since Hobbes have identified the maintenance of peace and order as core functions of a legitimate state. In the modern world, economic prosperity, social stability and effective control of corruption often provide adequate compensation for a deficit of democracy. Corruption closely correlates with legitimacy. While a perceived pervasive, endemic corruption undermines the legitimacy of a regime, a successful anti-corruption campaign can allow a regime to recover from a crisis of legitimacy (Gilley 2009; Seligson and Booth 2009). This is the rationale behind the periodical campaigns against corruption that have been conducted by the Chinese Communist Party (‘Party’ or ‘CCP’) (Manion 2004; Wedeman 2012). Political leaders in China have found it expedient to use anti-corruption campaigns to remove their political foes, to rein in the bureaucracy and to restore public confidence in their ability to rule. Through anti-corruption campaigns, emerging political leaders consolidate their political power, secure loyalty from political factions and regional political forces, and enhance their legitimacy in the eyes of the general public. In an authoritarian state that experiences a high level of corruption, an anti-corruption campaign is a delicate political battle that addresses two significant concerns. The first concern is to orchestrate the campaign so that it is regime-reinforcing instead of regime-undermining. To remain credible, the regime must demonstrate its willingness and capacity to punish corrupt officials at the highest levels.preprin
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