The Development of 'Pro-Life' NGOs in Argentina: Three strategic movements

In Latin America, the agenda of sexual and reproductive rights advocated by the feminist and LGBTI movements has challenged the hegemony of the sexual order held by traditionalist sectors, especially the hierarchy of the Catholic Church and conservative evangelical churches. These religious groups have reacted, in turn, to arrest the advance of feminist and LGBTI agendas. Beyond conservative Catholic and evangelical hierarchies, opposition activists also include religious academic institutions, politicians, Christian lay movements, and civil society groups, among others, all committed to a more restrictive view of sexuality. One important strategy of this "Pro-Life" activism in recent years has been the conformation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This article offers an analysis of the emergence and development of "Pro-Life" NGOs in Argentina. Using both quantitative and qualitative data, it examines three strategic movements made by these NGOs from the 1980s to the present: a state-political turn that favored strategies aimed to colonize the state and to impact sexual policies and the law; a blurring of religious identities; and a process of federalization and civil ecumenism.Fil: Moran Faundes, Jose Manuel Ferrucio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Centro de Investigaciones Juridícas y Sociales; Argentin

Introduction: Christianity, Gender, Sexuality and the Law in Latin America

The issues of gender, sexuality and reproduction have gained a strong public presence in Latin America in recent years. Political agendas have begun gradually to include topics related to LGBTI rights and access of people "especially women " to reproductive justice. In some cases, these processes have generated policies, laws and judgments favorable to women and LGBTI movements?s demands. For example, in recent years, countries as diverse as Argentina, Uruguay, Mexico, Colombia and Brazil allowed same-sex marriage, whether through the adoption of laws or by favorable rulings, after broad political and social debates. Other countries, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Chile, still do not recognize same-sex marriage, but have allowed civil unions. Argentina and Bolivia also adopted laws of gender identity which, among other things, guarantee the right to recognition of self-perceived identity over the one assigned at birth. Moreover, in recent years, Uruguay and the Federal District of Mexico have legalized abortion under a trimester-based system, while other countries have expanded the decriminalized grounds for terminating a pregnancy voluntarily, despite maintaining the illegality of abortion.However, the successful expansion of rights with respect to gender, sexuality and reproduction, is not a linear process or free from controversy and backlashes. In 1997, for example, El Salvador banned abortion without exception, a decision emulated by Nicaragua in 2007. In 2015, the Peruvian Congress rejected the adoption of a civil union law. In addition, since at least 1998 Latin America has seen a wave of litigation and legislative processes against emergency contraception (Peñas Defago and Morán Faúndes, 2014). Some of these have been reversed. In Chile, a law was passed in 2010 during Michelle Bachelet?s first administration (2006-2010) allowing the public health system to provide emergency contraception, which reversed an unfavorable ruling of the Constitutional Court in 2008. In Honduras and elsewhere, however, bans on emergency contraception remain.Considering the ongoing and often public controversy around these issues, it is necessary to develop and deepen the frames through which we understand how these dynamics unfold in the region. To this end, the contributors to this special issue understand gender and sexuality as public and political fields characterized by tensions, disputes and struggles over power, including state power.Fil: Sáez, Macarena. American University; Estados UnidosFil: Moran Faundes, Jose Manuel Ferrucio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Centro de Investigaciones Juridícas y Sociales; Argentin

La fuerza combinada Cruz del Sur, análisis desde las medidas de confianza mutua

Observando que la conformación de la Fuerza de Paz Combinada Cruz del Sur (FPC) se asocia con un proceso de Medidas de Confianza Mutua (MM.C.M.) entre Argentina y Chile, parece pertinente efectuar un repaso al mismo y revisar cuál es el contexto en el que se desarrolla esta fuerza no sólo desde el ámbito de la Defensa, sino que también desde el marco más amplio de las relaciones bilaterales. Básicamente, el estudio pretende buscar respuestas a la siguiente pregunta de investigación: ¿cuáles son las posibilidades presentes y futuras de la Fuerza de Paz Combinada Cruz del Sur?

Uma analise da crise da Ucrânia e seus três conflitos (21 de novembro de 2013 a 23 de maio de 2014)

This paper presents the results of a study of the crisis in Ukraine, guided by the following question: which is the intensity of the crisis in Ukraine between November 2013 and May 2014? The information collected for this research involves 293 events evaluated and translated into quantitative data by the author with the objective to elaborate a curve reflecting the intensity of the conflict. Considering that the situation under scrutiny involves several conflicts, one curve of intensity was not enough to follow the course of events, but three were needed to track the facts that are intertwined by policies in, around and about Kiev, which reveals the particular complexity of the case of study. During the second phase, the internal conflict drags the other two, but the efforts to reduce the intensity of these are not effective to moderate the internal one. The method applied reveals its value as a flexible tool that allows the evaluation of a complex situation in a simple way, but also exposes the fact that none of the divergences is settled.Este artículo presenta los resultados de un estudio a partir de la siguiente pregunta de investigación: ¿cuál es la intensidad de la crisis en Ucrania entre noviembre 2013 y mayo 2014? Se identifican 293 sucesos que son evaluados y traducidos a datos cuantitativos, con el objeto de elaborar una curva que refleje la intensidad del conflicto. Considerando que este caso involucra varias disputas, se ha hecho insuficiente generar una única curva de intensidad para graficar lo acontecido; en cambio, se necesitaron tres para hacer el seguimiento de los hechos, que se encuentran entrelazados por políticas formuladas al interior de Ucrania, algunas en torno al país y finalmente otras respecto del mismo. Ello revela la particular complejidad del caso en estudio. Durante la segunda fase de la crisis, la divergencia interna arrastra las otras dos, pero los esfuerzos por reducir su intensidad no son efectivos para moderar el problema interno. El método aplicado en el estudio destaca como una herramienta flexible que permite realizar la evaluación de una situación compleja en una forma simple, asimismo da cuenta que ninguna de las controversias se ha solucionado.Este artigo apresenta os resultados de um estudo sobre a crise na Ucrânia, guiada pela pergunta seguinte: qual é a intensidade da crise da Ucrânia entre novembro de 2013 e maio 2014? As informações obtidas por esta pesquisa envolvem 293 eventos, avaliados e traduzidos em dados quantitativos pelo autor, com o objetivo de elaborar um gráfico que reflete a intensidade do conflito. Considerando que a situação em apreço envolve vários conflitos, uma cifra de intensidade não foi o suficiente para seguir o curso dos acontecimentos, sendo necessárias mais três para acompanhar os fatos que estão interligados por políticas dentro, ao redor e sobre Kiev, o que revela a especial complexidade do caso em estudo. Durante a segunda fase da crise, o conflito interno arrasta os outros dois, mas os esforços para reduzir a sua intensidade não são eficazes para moderar o problema interno. O método usado no estudo constitui uma ferramenta flexível, que permite a avaliação de uma situação complexa de forma simples, também expõe o fato de que nenhuma das divergências é liquidada

Latin America and social conflict in the XXI century: Scenarios and discussions on the breakdown of the relationship between the State, market, and civil society

Se revisan los escenarios sociopolíticos latinoamericanos considerando el mayor o menor avance del proyecto neoliberal y su relación con los movimientos sociales; los debates y consensos sobre la acción colectiva, los movimientos sociales y la llamada «crisis» de los partidos políticos. El trabajo se aborda, primero, desde la matriz, «nacional-social-popular» o «Matriz Socio Política», que distingue entre el rol del Estado, el sistema de representación política que media con la sociedad, institucionalizando las demandas o conflicto sociales, pero que ha sido desarticulada ante el escenario actual de la sociedad «postindustrial globalizada» latinoamericana y se confronta con la propuesta de una matriz «mercado-céntrica» de «Estadomercado-sociedad civilIn this paper, we review Latin American sociopolitical scenarios, taking into account the advances of the neoliberal approach and its relationship to social movements. We also highlight the discussions and consensus on collective action, social movements, and the so-called «crisis» of political parties. First, this work addresses the «national-social-popular,» or «sociopolitical,» matrix, which differentiates between the role of the State and the system of political representation used by the public, institutionalizing social demands and conflicts. Then, we examine how this matrix has been dismantled by the current scenario of Latin American’s «globalized postindustrial» society and now faces the proposal of a «market-centric» matrix in a «state-market-civil» societ

Géneros, transgéneros: Hacia una noción bidimensional de la injusticia

Las expresiones trans representan cuerpos, identidades, prácticas y experiencias que subvierten los patrones culturales de significación heteronormativa, lo que las posiciona fuera de los límites de inteligibilidad proporcionados por la cultura hegemónica. El presente artículo intenta reflexionar acerca de cómo las exclusiones que recaen sobre estas expresiones responden a una forma bivalente de injusticia. Tomando como paradigma el modelo bidimensional de justicia de Nancy Fraser, se argumenta que los dispositivos de marginalización que operan sobre las personas transgéneras tienen como punto de origen tanto una precaria valoración cultural, como una economía política regulada sobre la base de una división del trabajo fundada en la sexualidad.Fil: Moran Faundes, Jose Manuel Ferrucio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

La anticoncepción de emergencia en Chile: estructuración de su demanda en función de variables socioeconómicas

En enero del año 2010 se aprobó en Chile la ley 20.418 que restableció la entrega de la anticoncepción de emergencia (píldora del día después) en el servicio público de salud del país, luego de que su distribución fuese prohibida por el Tribunal Constitucional en el 2007. A más de un año de la entrada en vigencia de la ley, el Ministerio de Salud publicó datos oficiales acerca de la entrega de este método anticonceptivo para el año 2010, lo que abre nuevas posibilidades para comprender los niveles de accesibilidad y de demanda. El presente trabajo analiza por primera vez la estructuración de dicha demanda en el Sistema Nacional de Servicios de Salud, evaluando la incidencia de tres variables socioeconómicas: el estatus económico, el nivel de educación y la zona de residencia. Los resultados muestran que la tasa media de consultas por anticoncepción de emergencia en mujeres de 15 a 44 años fue de 2,53 consultas por cada 1.000 mujeres en edad fértil. Esta tasa llega a 4,27 en mujeres adolescentes de entre 15 y 19 años, y sólo a 2,1 en mujeres de 20 a 44. Los mayores niveles de demanda se sitúan en las comunas con indicadores socioeconómicos deficientes, esto es, alto porcentaje de población comunal con un ingreso autónomo bajo, importante proporción de personas sin educación secundaria completa, y un alto porcentaje de población residente en zonas rurales.Fil: Moran Faundes, Jose Manuel Ferrucio. Universidad Nacional de Cordoba. Facultad de Derecho y Cs.sociales. Centro de Invest. Juridicas y Sociales; Argentina

Malentendidos sobre el efecto de la legalización del aborto

Abortion laws are generally liberal in most of the developed countries and restrictive in developing countries, particularly in Latin America, with two exceptions. International health and human rights organizations promote broader access to safe abortion based on its effectiveness in immediate reduction of maternal morbidity and mortality. Laws remain restrictive in Latin America because of the erroneous concept that liberalization of the law would increase the number of induced abortions, something most people would not like. This is a crucial misunderstanding because evidence shows abortions are not less in countries with restrictive laws and number of abortions does not increase following liberalization of the law. It is also believed that most people are against liberalization of the law, but further inquiry reveals that most people are against punishing women who have abortions. The main misunderstanding is the belief that there are people “in favor of abortion”, while even women who abort do not like abortion. The real difference is that there are people who believe that keeping restrictive laws can prevent abortion and others accept evidence which shows that increasing access to safe abortion not only reduces suffering and deaths but contributes to reduce induced abortions.Las leyes sobre aborto son liberales en la mayor parte de los países desarrollados y muy restrictivas en países en desarrollo, particularmente América Latina, con dos excepciones. Organismos internacionales de Salud y Derechos Humanos promueven un mayor acceso al aborto seguro por su efecto inmediato de reducción de morbilidad y mortalidad materna. A pesar de eso las leyes permanecen muy restrictivas en la mayor parte de los países de América Latina, donde prevalece el concepto errado de que liberalizar la ley va a llevar a un aumento en el número de abortos, lo que casi todos prefieren evitar. Ese es un importante malentendido, porque las evidencias son que no hay menos aborto donde las leyes son restrictivas y no aumentan los abortos cuando las leyes se hacen más liberales. Así mismo, se cree que la mayor parte de la población está contra liberalizar la ley, pero preguntando mejor se descubre que la mayor parte está contra castigar a la mujer que aborta. Pero, el principal malentendido es creer que hay personas ‘a favor del aborto’, en circunstancia que ni siquiera a la mujer que se provoca el aborto le gusta abortar. La diferencia está en pensar que prohibiendo se soluciona el problema, o aceptar las evidencias que muestran que aumentando el acceso al aborto seguro no solo reduce el sufrimiento y la muerte, sino contribuye a reducir los abortos

Brazilian Doctor's Perspective On The Second Opinion Strategy Before A C-section

Objective: To describe the opinion of doctors who participated in the Latin American Study on Cesarean section in Brazil regarding the second opinion strategy when faced with the decision of performing a C-section. Methods: Seventy-two doctors from the hospitals where the study took place (where the second opinion was routinely sought) and 70 from the control group answered a pre-tested self-administered structured questionnaire. Descriptive tables were prepared based on the frequency of relevant variables on opinion of physicians regarding: effectiveness of the application of the second opinion strategy; on whether they would recommend implementation of this strategy and reasons for not recommending it in private institutions; feasibility of the strategy implementation and reasons for not considering this implementation feasible in private institutions. Results: Half of the doctors from the intervention hospitals (50%) and about two thirds of those in the control group (65%) evaluated the second opinion as being or having the potential of being effective/very effective in their institutions. The great majority of those interviewed from both intervention and control hospitals considered this strategy feasible in public (87% and 95% respectively) but not in private hospitals (64% and 70% respectively), mainly because in the latter the doctors would not accept interference from a colleague in their decision-making process. Conclusion: Although the second opinion strategy was perceived as effective in reducing C-section rates, doctors did not regard it feasible outside the public health system in Brazil. © 2006 Faculdade de Saúde Pública da Universidade de Sao Paulo.402233239Althabe, F., Belizan, J.M., Villar, J., Alexander, S., Bergel, E., Ramos, S., Mandatory second opinion to reduce rates of unnecessary caesarean sections in Latin America: A cluster randomised controlled trial (2004) Lancet, 363 (9425), pp. 1934-1940Belizan, J., Althabe, F., Barros, F.C., Alexander, S., Rates and implications of caesarean sections in Latin America: Ecological study (1999) BMJ, 319 (7222), pp. 1397-1402Chacham, A.S., Perpétuo, I.H.O., The incidence of caesarean deliveries in Belo Horizonte, Brazil: Social and economic determinants (1998) Reprod Health Matters, 6 (11), pp. 115-121Faúndes, A., Perpétuo, I.H.O., Cesárea por conveniência e a ética médica (2002) Ser Médico, 5 (19), pp. 32-34Faúndes, A., Pádua, K.S., Osis, M.J.D., Cecatti, J.G., Sousa, M.H., Opiniāo de mulheres e médicos brasileiros sobre a preferência pela via de parto (2004) Rev Saúde Pública, 38 (4), pp. 488-494Hopkins, K., Are brazilian women really choosing to deliver by cesarean? (2000) Soc Sci Med, 51 (5), pp. 725-740Mello e Souza, C., C-sections as ideal births: The cultural constructions of beneficence and patients' rights in Brazil (1994) Camb Q Healthc Ethics, 3 (3), pp. 358-366Moraes, M.S., Goldenberg, P., Cesáreas: Um perfil epidêmico (2001) Cad Saúde Pública, 17 (3), pp. 509-519Murray, S., Relation between private health insurance and high rates of caesarean section in Chile: Qualitative and quantitative study (2000) BMJ, 321 (7275), pp. 1501-1505Myers, S.A., Gleicher, N., A successful program to lower cesarean-section rates (1988) N Engl J Med, 319 (23), pp. 1511-1516(1998), 1. , Organización Panamericana de la Salud - OPAS. La salud en las Americas. Washington (DC)Osis, M.J.D., Pádua, K.S., Duarte, G.A., Souza, T.R., Faúndes, A., The opinion of brazilian women regarding vaginal labor and cesarean section (2001) Int J Gynaecol Obstet, 75 (SUPPL. 1), pp. S59-S66Penna, L., Arulkumaran, S., Cesarean section for non-medical reasons (2003) Int J Gynaecol Obstet, 82 (3), pp. 399-409Potter, J.E., Berquó, E., Perpétuo, I.H.O., Leal, O.F., Hopkins, K., Souza, M.R., Unwanted caesarean sections among public and private patients in Brazil: Prospective study (2001) BMJ, 323 (7322), pp. 1155-1158Rattner, D., Sobre a hipótese de estabilizaçāo das taxas de cesárea do estado de São Paulo, Brasil (1996) Rev Saúde Pública, 30 (1), pp. 19-33Schenker, J.G., Cain, J.M., FIGO committee report: FIGO committee for the ethical aspects of human reproduction and women's health (1999) Int J Gynaecol Obstet, 64 (3), pp. 317-322Sloan, N.L., Pinto, E., Calle, A., Langer, A., Winikoff, B., Fassihian, G., Reduction of cesarean delivery rate in Ecuador (2000) Int J Gynaecol Obstet, 69 (3), pp. 229-236Walker, R., Turnbull, D., Wilkinson, C., Strategies to address global cesarean section rates: A review of the evidence (2002) Birth, 29 (1), pp. 28-39Wolfe, S., Unnecessary cesarean sections: Curing a national epidemic (1994) Public Citiz Health Res Group, 10, pp. 1-