A mysterious animal called Al-Wark

The paper examines the mysterious term al-wark, which–according to Maḥmūd of Kāşğarī (11th century AD)–denotes a small animal similar to a badger (Turk. borsmuk) in the Xakani language. This animal was treated as a symbol of fatness. It is suggested that the term in question was borrowed from a Tocharian source. The Indo-European term *wṛḱos (m.) ‘badger’ (originally ‘fat animal’, cf. Hittite warkant- adj. ‘fat’) is reconstructed on the basis of Indic, Greek and Anatolian lexical data

GRČKI DURATIVNI GLAGOLI S NAZALNIM INFIKSOM I SUFIKSOM

The Indo-European nasal infix presents have so far not been explained from the semantic point of view. The author of this paper argues that the infix *-n(e)- originally expressed the feature of durativity. Due to the diachronic externalization of inflection, this nasal morpheme later evolved into a suffix added to the verbal root. Numerous durative verbs with the nasal marker -an- are attested as early as the 2nd millennium BCE in the Anatolian languages; cf. Hittite iy-ann-a/i- ‘to march, go a long distance’, Palaic iyannnai ‘he marches (a long distance)’ vs. Hitt. i- ‘to go’, Luw. i-, Hier.Luw. i-, Lat. eō, īre, Lith. eı ̃ti, OChSl. iti ‘id.’ (< PIE. *h1ei- ‘to go’). The durative verbs in question, as well as the related nouns with the durative suffix *-ano-, also appear in other Indo-European languages, cf. Toch. B yanem. ‘they walk, go (for a long time)’. Numerous Greek present forms (e.g., ἁνδάνω, θιγγάνω, λαμβάνω, λανθάνω,λιμπάνω, μανθάνω, πυνθάνομαι and so on) document the same nasal morpheme not only infixed into the verbal root, but also in the form of the suffix -αν-. This is to be explained as the effect of the diachronic externalization of the durative (nasal) morpheme. Greek verbal forms with the nasal infix and the nasal suffix should be treated as intermediate forms or hybrids. Newer forms (indicating the durativity of the action) in Greek contain only a nasal suffix (e.g. αὐξάνω, ἱζάνω, ἰσχάνω, κευθάνω, ληθάνω, οἰδάνω, ῥοφάνω).Indoeuropski glagoli u prezentu koji sadrže infiks još uvijek nisu objašnjeni sa semantičkog gledišta. Autor ovoga rada zastupa tvrdnju da je infiks *-n(e)- izvorno izražavao svojstvo durativnosti. Zbog dijakronijske eksternalizacije fleksije ovaj se nazalni morfem kasnije razvio u sufiks koji se dodaje glagolskome korijenu. Brojni durativni glagoli s nazalnim markerom -an- mogu se pronaći u anatolijskim jezicima još u 2. tisućljeću prije Krista; usp. hetitski iy-ann-a/i- ‘marširati, prijeći veliku razdaljinu’, palajski iyannnai ‘on maršira (marširanjem prelazi veliku razdaljinu)’ nasuprot hetitiski i- ‘ići’, luvijski i-, hijeroglifski luvijski i-, latinski eō, īre, litavski eı ̃ti, staroslavenski iti ‘id.’ (< PIE. *h1ei- ‘ići’). Durativni glagoli u pitanju, kao i imenice izvedene iz njih koje sadrže durativni sufiks *-ano-, također se javljaju i u drugim indoeuropskim jezicima., usp. toharski B yanem \u27oni hodaju, idu (dugo vremena)\u27. Brojni grčki prezentski oblici (npr. ἁνδάνω, θιγγάνω, λαμβάνω, λανθάνω, λιμπάνω, μανθάνω, πυνθάνομαι itd.) sadrže isti nazalni morfem, ne samo kao infiks u glagolskome korijenu, već i u obliku sufiksa -αν-. Ovo se objašnjava učinkom djakronijske eksternalizacije durativnoga (nazalnoga) morfema. Grčke glagolske oblike s nazalnim infiksom i nazalnim sufiksom treba smatrati prijelaznim oblicima ili hibridima. Noviji grčki oblici (koji izriču durativnost) sadrže samo nazalni sufiks (npr. αὐξάνω, ἱζάνω, ἰσχάνω, κευθάνω, ληθάνω, οἰδάνω, ῥοφάνω)

The Mediterranean Spearfish in Ancient Greek and Latin

The article discusses the problem of identifying a Mediterranean fish called γλαῦκος in Ancient Greek and glaucus in Latin. It was a big and well-known fish living in the Mediterranean Sea. It appears in numerous literary sources of the classical (Greek and Roman) world. After analyzing all preserved attestations of the Greco-Latin ichthyonym, the authors of the present article suggest that this fish should be identified with the Mediterranean spearfish (Tetrapturus belone Rafinesque, 1810). It is possible that the fish name γλαῦκος/glaucus referred to the roundscale spearfish (Tetrapturus georgii R.T. Lowe, 1841) and also to the Atlantic white marlin (Kajikia albida Poey, 1860, syn. Tetrapturus albidus Poey, 1860)

Old Latin bouerum and Iouerum from a Diachronic Point of View

Abstract The aim of this article is to discuss two Old Latin aberrant genitive plural forms in -erum, namely bouerum «bouum» (Cato, Agr. 62) or Iouerum «Iouum» (Varro, Ling. VIII 74), on the basis of the morphological and semantic considerations. It is hard to imagine how the regular third declension forms bouum and Iouum could be changed into bouerum and Iouerum. In his commented edition of Varro’s De lingua Latina (2019) Wolfgang de Melo, following Roland Kent, explains them as «analogical formations», influenced by iu – ge˘ rum n. «an acre; jugerum (of land)» (→ bo˘ ue˘ rum) and gen. pl. Ve˘ne˘ rum «of statues of Venus» (→ Io˘ ue˘ rum). This explanation should be rejected for at least two reasons: semantic and morphological. The innovative genitive plural in -e–rum, I will argue, was based on old nominative and accusative dual forms with additional plural morphology: cf. *boue– nom.-acc. du. «two oxen», gen. pl. boue–rum «of oxen» (originally «of two oxen»), *Ioue– «two Jupiters» (here in elliptic use: «Jupiter and Juno»), gen. pl. Ioue–rum «of Jupiters» (originally «of two Jupiters; i.e., Jupiter and Juno»)

Ichthyonymia Graeco-Latina. Die Bedeutung der Lexik neugriechischer und romanischer Dialekte für die richtige Identifizierung lateinischer Fischnamen

Ichthyonymia Graeco-Latina. The Importance of the Modern Greek and Romance Lexical Data for Correct Identification of  the Latin Fish-NamesIn his edition of Halieutica A. W. Mikołajczak leaves eight Latin names of the Mediterranean fishes, mentioned by Ovid, with no identification and explanation. The present author discusses them, taking into account the lexical data attested in the Modern Greek dialects, as well as the Italian ones. Four fish-names (cantharus, erythinus, iulis, smaris) may be securely identified on the basis of the modern (Greek and/or Romance) terminology for fishes of the Mediterranean Sea. No reflexes of four different fishes (cercyros, glaucus, lamiros, tragus) appear in the contemporary vocabulary of peoples of the Mediterranean area. This is why these Ovid’s fishes are hardly identifiable. M. Kokoszko’s book appears to be a valuable dictionary of the Greek fish-names, introducing an excellent presentation and convincing identification of most Mediterranean Sea fishes. His presentation agrees completely with the conclusions given in this paper

Mityczny potwór Kampe w „Fasti” Owidiusza

The paper discusses Greek and Roman literary sources describing Campe or Kampe (Gk. Κάμπη), a mythical female monster killed by the god Dionysus (Diodorus, Bibl. III 72) or by Zeus (Ps.-Apollodorus, Bibl. I 2,1; Nonnos, D. XVIII 233–264). Campe was a large monster who guarded the Cyclopes and Hundred-Handers prisoned in Tartarus (according to Pseudo-Apollodorus and Nonnos). The same mythical monster seems to be attested in Ovid’s Fasti (III 793–808). The Roman poet presents an unknown version of the Greek myth, describing a wondrous monster (line 799: monstrum mirabile), born of Mother Earth (l. 799: Matre satus Terra). She is portrayed with the upper body of a bull and the tail of a serpent in place of legs (l. 799–800: taurus parte sui serpens posteriore fuit). Ovid does not mention the Greek or Latinized name of this mythical monster but introduces the acrostic CAMPH (= Gk. Κάμπη) in his description (Ov., Fast. III 797–801). Unfortunately, the Ovidian acrostic in question is preserved in the corrupted form CQMPH in most medieval manuscripts. It is suggested that the ancient editor, who prepared the final version of the six books of the Fasti after Ovid’s death (18 AD), failed to notice the Ovidian acrostic and introduced his own improvement in line 798 (quaeque instead of atque or the like).The paper discusses Greek and Roman literary sources describing Campe or Kampe (Gk. Κάμπη), a mythical female monster killed by the god Dionysus (Diodorus, Bibl. III 72) or by Zeus (Ps.-Apollodorus, Bibl. I 2,1; Nonnos, D. XVIII 233–264). Campe was a large monster who guarded the Cyclopes and Hundred-Handers prisoned in Tartarus (according to Pseudo-Apollodorus and Nonnos). The same mythical monster seems to be attested in Ovid’s Fasti (III 793–808). The Roman poet presents an unknown version of the Greek myth, describing a wondrous monster (line 799: monstrum mirabile), born of Mother Earth (l. 799: Matre satus Terra). She is portrayed with the upper body of a bull and the tail of a serpent in place of legs (l. 799–800: taurus parte sui serpens posteriore fuit). Ovid does not mention the Greek or Latinized name of this mythical monster but introduces the acrostic CAMPH (= Gk. Κάμπη) in his description (Ov., Fast. III 797–801). Unfortunately, the Ovidian acrostic in question is preserved in the corrupted form CQMPH in most medieval manuscripts. It is suggested that the ancient editor, who prepared the final version of the six books of the Fasti after Ovid’s death (18 AD), failed to notice the Ovidian acrostic and introduced his own improvement in line 798 (quaeque instead of atque or the like)

Niewydane tłumaczenie epigramów Sarbiewskiego, czyli uwagi o działalności przekładowej prof. Zofii Abramowiczówny

The paper describes a Polish translation of M. K. Sarbiewski’s Latin epigrams made by Zofia Abramowicz (1906–1988) during the interwar period. These epigrams (partially preserved) were prepared to be published in 1939 or 1940 by Prof. Ryszard Ganszyniec in his „Filomata” Press. Abramowicz’s translational work seems to be a part of history of the classical philology in Poland.The paper describes a Polish translation of M. K. Sarbiewski’s Latin epigrams made by Zofia Abramowicz (1906–1988) during the interwar period. These epigrams (partially preserved) were prepared to be published in 1939 or 1940 by Prof. Ryszard Ganszyniec in his „Filomata” Press. Abramowicz’s translational work seems to be a part of history of the classical philology in Poland

On the Indo-European origin of two Lusitanian theonyms (laebo and reve)

Lusitanian, the Pre-Celtic Indo-European language of the Hispanic Peninsula, demonstrates numerous similarities in theonymy to the Celtic areas, e.g. Lusit. Iccona (dat. sg.) = Gaul. Epona ‘the horse-goddess’, Lusit. Lucubo (dat. pl.) = Gaul. Lugoves (nom. pl.) and Celtiber. Luguei (dat. sg.). Other religious comparisons relate to an even larger Italo-Celtic geographical area, e.g. OLat. Pales (f.) and Lusit. Trebo-pala, Tenco-pala, Old Roman suouetaurilia and the analogical triple animal offerings of Lusitania (i.e. porcom - oilam - taurom). The author suggests two new Italo-Lusitanian equations in theonymy (namely: 1. Lusit. Laebo = Lat. Laribus, 2. Reve = Lat. Ioui, Osk. diuvei). Both comparisons are firmly documented by the Latin-Lusitanian texts, and additionally the latter bears a close resemblance of the formations (the same innovational declension stem *dyeu̯-, not *diu̯-) and an interesting exclusiveness of the epithets (e.g. Lusit. Reve Laraucu = Lat. Ioui Ladico [both dedications from Orense]). The phonological development of IE. *d to Lusit. r, documented by 4 different instances (2 indubitable ones), occurs in some Italic languages, but it is absent from the Celtic language world.No disponible