425 research outputs found

    Stigmatization (Health Coverage)

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    Media descriptions of mental illness and the mentally ill are often characterized by stigmatization. For example, in media coverage mental illnesses are often associated with crimes and violence (Ma, 2017). In consequence, patients are presented not only as peculiar and different, but also as dangerous. Thus, the media maintain misconceptions and stigma (Klin & Lemish, 2008; Srivastava et al., 2018). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Health communication, anti-stigma communication, anti-stigma research, stigmatization Example studies: Carpiniello et al. (2007); McGinty et al. (2014)   Information on Carpiniello et al. 2007 Authors: Bernardo Carpiniello, Roberta Girau, Maria Germana OrrĂč Research questions: The study explores the portrayal of mental illness in Italy’s leading national and regional newspapers, asking whether a different pattern emerged in describing criminal offences committed by the mentally ill in reports relating to homicides, suicide, and other acts of violence. Object of analysis: The total sample included N = 2279 all articles relating to homocides, suicides or attempted suicides as well as acts of violence in two leading Italian newspapers (Corriere della Sera, n = 387 and La Repubblica, n = 375) and the two leading regional newspapers (L'Unione Sarda, n = 783 and La Nuova Sardegna, n = 733) Time frame of analysis: October 2002 to March 2003 Info about variables Variables: For each article it was coded whether or not the criminal offence had been attributed to a mentally ill person (actions were deemed to have been attributed to the mentally ill only when clearly stated or strongly alluded to by the author of the article) as well as use of stigmatizing language (Penrose-Wall et al., 1999) Reliability: No information Level of analysis: News article Topics Homicide Suicide Attempted suicide Homicide + suicide Sex-related violence Other violent acts Attribution to a mentally ill person yes no Stigmatizing language Fool/ foolishness Monster/ monstrosity Maniac/ maniacality Mad/ madness Insane/ insanity Lunatic   References Carpiniello, B., Girau, R., & OrrĂč, M. G. (2007). Mass-media, violence and mental illness. Evidence from some Italian newspapers. Epidemiologia E Psichiatria Sociale, 16(3), 251–255. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1121189x00002359 Klin, A., & Lemish, D. (2008). Mental disorders stigma in the media: Review of studies on production, content, and influences. Journal of Health Communication, 13(5), 434–449. https://doi.org/10.1080/10810730802198813 Ma, Z. (2017). How the media cover mental illnesses: a review. Health Education, 117(1), 90–109. https://doi.org/10.1108/HE-01-2016-0004 McGinty, E. E., Webster, D. W., Jarlenski, M., & Barry, C. L. (2014). News media framing of serious mental illness and gun violence in the United States, 1997-2012. American Journal of Public Health, 104(3), 406–413. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2013.301557 Penrose-Wall, J., Baume, P., & Martin, G. (1999). Achieving the balance: A resource kit for Australian media professionals for the reporting and portrayal of suicide and mental illnesses. Publications Production Unit (Public Affairs, Parliamentary and Access Branch), Commonwealth Dept. of Health and Aged Care. Srivastava, K., Chaudhury, S., Bhat, P. S., & Mujawar, S. (2018). Media and mental health. Industrial Psychiatry Journal, 27(1), 1–5. https://doi.org/10.4103/ipj.ipj_73_1

    Inaccuracies and exaggerations (Health Coverage)

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    Exaggerated or simplistic media coverage on health issues is often blamed for affecting public health (Sumner et al., 2016). For example, MacDonald and Hoffman-Goetz (2002) have shown that cancer information in newspapers frequently contained inaccuracies in the past. However, more recent findings suggest that inaccuracies, like an oversimplified language, and exaggerations are already present in health news press releases (Brechman et al., 2009; Sumner et al., 2016).  Field of application/theoretical founation: Health communication, science communication Example studies: Brechman et al. (2009); MacDonald & Hoffman-Goetz (2002); Sumner et al. (2014); Sumner et al. (2016)   Information on Brechman et al., 2009 Authors: Jean M- Brechman, Chul-joo Lee, Joseph N. Cappella Research question: The study explores the communication of genetic science to the lay public. To address this issue, this study compares the presentation of genetic research relating to cancer outcomes and behaviors (i.e., prostate cancer, breast cancer, colon cancer, smoking and obesity) in the press release (N = 23) to the presentation in the subsequent news coverage (N = 71). Object of analysis: The total sample included N = 71 articles on gene/cancer-outcome discoveries from major U.S. newspapers (no further information) as well as all corresponding press releases (N  = 23) from institution web sites and EurekAlert! or PRNewswire (electronic archives of releases for science writers). Time frame of analysis: July 2004 to June 2007 Info about variables Variables: Coding schema to capture conceptual and contextual differences between information presented in the press release and information presented in related news coverage; codes used to make these distinctions included overgeneralization/ simplification, assimilation of speculation into fact, contradiction, and level of specificity/qualifying information. Reliability: In order to assess reliability, five cases containing 109 claims were coded by two independent coders. Overall agreement was 79.8%. Level of analysis: Central claims on genetic research relating to cancer outcomes and behaviors in press release and media articles   Information on MacDonald & Hoffman-Goetz, 2009 Authors: Megan M. MacDonald, Laurie Hoffman-Goetz Research question: The purpose of this study was to determine whether cancer articles in Canadian newspapers provide accurate cancer information relative to the original scientific sources of the information and the extent of mobilizing information about cancer prevention and treatment. A second objective was to determine whether newspaper circulation size influenced the accuracy of reporting of cancer information. Object of analysis: From a total of 38 newspapers serving Ontario, the top 5 and bottom 5 newspapers in terms of circulation were identified for extreme group comparisons. All articles including the term “cancer” in the headline were extracted and a random sampling led to a total sample of N = 306 articles, including The Toronto Star (n = 63), The Ottawa Citizen (n = 49), The Hamilton Spectator (n = 53), The London Free Press (n = 42) and The Windsor Star (n = 30) as top 5 newspapers as well as. the Pembroke Daily Observer (n = 12), Lindsay Daily Post (n = 20), Northern Daily News (Kirkland Lake) (n = 12), Cobourg Daily Star (n = 10) and The Daily Miner & News (Kenora) (n = 15) as bottom 5. Time frame of analysis: 1991 Info about variables Variables: The accuracy of each article was assessed using the following criteria: misleading title, treating speculation as fact, erroneous information, omitting important results and omitting qualifications or caveats to findings. Reliability: The articles were coded separately by the researchers using the identified criteria. Where discrepancies occurred in coding results, these were discussed until a consensus was met. Consensus discussions occurred early in data collection to allow this process to inform and direct future coding (no further information provided). Level of analysis: article   Information on Sumner et al., 2014 Authors: Petroc Sumner, Solveiga Vivian-Griffiths, Jacky Boivin, Andy Williams, Christos A Venetis, AimĂ©e Davis, Jack Ogden, Leanne Whelan, Bethan Hughes, Bethan Dalton, Fred Boy, Christopher D Chambers Research question: The study examines whether the press release or the news article are the source of distortions, exaggerations, or changes to the main conclusions drawn from research that could potentially influence a reader’s health related behaviour. Object of analysis: Press releases (n = 462) on biomedical and health related science issued by 20 leading UK universities, alongside their associated peer reviewed research papers and news stories (n = 668). Time frame of analysis: 2011 Info about variables Variables: Taking the peer reviewed paper as a baseline, the authors sought cases where news stories offered advice to readers, made causal claims, or inferred relevance to humans beyond (or different to) that stated in the associated peer reviewed paper. Given the likelihood that some statements in journal articles themselves would be considered exaggerated by other scientists in the specialty, the overall levels of measured exaggeration are likely to be underestimates. The authors then asked whether such discrepancies were already present in the corresponding press release. For example, if a study reported a correlation between stress and wine consumption and the news story claimed that wine causes stress, what did the press release say? Similarly, if a news story claimed a new treatment for humans but the study was on rodents, what did the press release say? Full coding guidelines: https://figshare.com/articles/InSciOut/903704 “Is there a generalisation?”: these variables provide information on whether exaggerations have occurred between the journal article and abstract, press release, or news report(s) No generalisation – yes/ no minor generalisation - yes/ no major generalisation - yes/ no Justification offered for generalisation between actual study and abstract / press release /news report - yes/ no Reliability: no information provided Level of analysis: article   Information on Sumner et al., 2016 Authors: Petroc Sumner, Solveiga Vivian-Griffiths, Jacky Boivin, Andrew Williams, Lewis Bott, Racel Adams, Christos A Venetis, AimĂ©e Davis, Leanne Whelan, Bethan Hughes, Christopher D Chambers Research question: Recent findings suggested many exaggerations in the portrayal of health information were already present in university press releases, which scientists approve. Surprisingly, these exaggerations were not associated with more news coverage. This study examines whether these two controversial results also arise in press releases from prominent science and medical journals. Object of analysis: press releases (n = 534) on biomedical and health-related science issued by leading peer-reviewed journals. The authors similarly analysed the associated peer-reviewed papers (n = 534) and news stories (n = 582). Time frame of analysis: 2011 Info about variables Variables: The process of data extraction and analysis was identical to that in Sumner et al. (2014). Full coding guidelines: https://figshare.com/articles/InSciOut/903704   References Brechman, J. M., Lee, C.?J., & Cappella, J. N. (2009). Lost in Translation? A Comparison of Cancer-Genetics Reporting in the Press Release and its Subsequent Coverage in Lay Press. Science Communication, 30(4), 453–474. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547009332649 MacDonald, M. M., & Hoffman-Goetz, L. (2002). A Retrospective Study of the Accuracy of Cancer Information in Ontario Daily Newspapers. Canadian Journal of Public Health / Revue Canadienne De Sante'e Publique, 93(2), 142–145. www.jstor.org/stable/41993460 Sumner, P., Vivian-Griffiths, S., Boivin, J., Williams, A., Venetis, C. A., Davies, A., Ogden, J., Whelan, L., Hughes, B., Dalton, B., Boy, F., & Chambers, C. D. (2014). The association between exaggeration in health related science news and academic press releases: Retrospective observational study. BMJ (Clinical Research Ed.), 349, g7015. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.g7015 Sumner, P., Vivian-Griffiths, S., Boivin, J., Williams, A., Bott, L., Adams, R., Venetis, C. A., Whelan, L., Hughes, B., & Chambers, C. D. (2016). Exaggerations and Caveats in Press Releases and Health-Related Science News. PloS One, 11(12), e0168217. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.016821

    Kommunikation zur Bewegungsförderung: Normative Aspekte im 20. und 21. Jahrhundert

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    Bewegung und Sport unterliegen normativen Vorstellungen: Sie reprĂ€sentieren Ideale und FĂ€higkeiten weit ĂŒber das eigentliche Sporttreiben hinaus. Durchtrainierte Körper stehen fĂŒr Gesundheit und LeistungsfĂ€higkeit im privaten und beruflichen Alltag, aber auch fĂŒr Erfolg, Potenz und Kampfbereitschaft. Vor diesem Hintergrund analysiert der vorliegende Beitrag exemplarisch verschiedene historische Beispiele strategischer Kommunikation zur Bewegungsförderung aus der Zeit der NS-Diktatur sowie der DDR. Kontrastierend wird eine zeitgenössische Gesundheitskampagne der BZgA vorgestellt. Dies geschieht mit Blick auf die normativen Aspekte von Kommunikation in unterschiedlichen politischen und gesellschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen. Anhand der betrachteten Beispiele zeigt sich insbesondere der Wandel von einer kollektivistischen zur einer individualistischen Leitnorm. Des Weiteren wird eine VerĂ€nderung des VerstĂ€ndnisses von Gesundheit deutlich, welches der Kommunikation zugrunde liegt. Die Thematik bietet dabei eine Vielzahl von Möglichkeiten fĂŒr Anschlussbetrachtungen: So könnte bspw. mittels einer systematischen, standardisierten Bildinhaltsanalyse ermittelt werden, ob der Zweite Weltkrieg mit einem Bruch in der Kommunikation des NS-Regimes zur Bewegungsförderung einherging. Weiterhin wĂ€re ein Vergleich der normativen PrĂ€missen der Kommunikation zwischen der BRD und der DDR denkbar.Physical activity and sport are subject to normative concepts: They represent ideals and abilities far beyond the actual activity. Slim and fit bodies represent health and performance as well as success, potency and willingness to fight. Against this background, this article analyses historical examples of strategic communication for the promotion of physical activity of two different eras: the German Nazi dictatorship and the GDR. In contrast, a contemporary health campaign of the BZgA is presented. The analysis focuses on the normative aspects of communication in various political and social conditions. The examples illustrate in particular the change from a collectivist to an individualistic norm set. Furthermore, a change in the understanding of health becomes apparent. The topic offers a variety of possibilities for follow-up observations: For example, a systematic, standardized image content analysis could be used to determine whether World War II was accompanied by a major change in the Nazi regime's communication on the promotion of physical activity. Furthermore, a comparison of the normative premises of communication between the FRG and the GDR would be conceivable

    Nature, Nurture: Journalistische Responsibility Frames im Kontext von Depressionen

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    Wie oder wem Menschen Verantwortung fĂŒr die Entstehung von bzw. den Umgang mit Erkrankungen zuweisen, wird entscheidend durch die mediale Darstellung von Verantwortung mittels Responsibility Frames beeinflusst. Diese wiederum stehen in Zusammenhang mit den Vorstellungen der Journalist:innen hinsichtlich gesundheitlicher Verantwortung - den journalistischen Responsibility Frames. Neuere Studien zum Responsibility Framing von Gesundheitsthemen unterscheiden dabei mindestens drei Ebenen gesundheitlicher Verantwortung: Individuum, soziales Netzwerk und Gesellschaft. Vor diesem Hintergrund widmet sich der vorliegende Beitrag der Frage, inwiefern Journalist:innen individuelle, netzwerkspezifische und gesellschaftliche Verantwortung fĂŒr die Entstehung von und den Umgang mit Depressionen zuschreiben. Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage wurden 12 leitfadengestĂŒtzte Interviews mit Journalist:innen, welche fĂŒr den deutschsprachigen Raum regelmĂ€ĂŸig ĂŒber Gesundheitsthemen berichten, gefĂŒhrt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen zum einen, dass Journalist:innen - in Übereinstimmung mit der medizinischen Evidenz - sowohl die Entstehung als auch den Umgang mit Depressionen auf allen drei Ebenen gesundheitlicher Verantwortung verorten. Zum anderen wird deutlich, dass journalistische Responsibility Frames zu Depressionen stark durch den Hintergrund der Journalist:innen und insbesondere ihre Erfahrungen mit der Krankheit geprĂ€gt sind.Attributions of responsibility are heavily influenced by the portrayal of responsibility in media coverage which in turn is related to journalists' ideas about causal and treatment responsibilities in health, i.e., their journalist responsibility frames. Notably, current research on the responsibility framing of health issues differentiates between (at least) three levels of responsibility - the individual, its social network, and society at large. Against this backdrop, this paper addresses journalist responsibility frames with regards to depression. To answer this research interest, 12 qualitative interviews were conducted with journalists who regularly report on health topics in German-speaking countries. On the one hand, the results indicate that journalists attribute both causal and treatment responsibilities in depression to all three levels of responsibility. On the other hand, it becomes clear that journalist responsibility frames regarding depression are strongly influenced by journalists' background, especially their experiences with the illness as well as their training

    Anaerobic Oxidation of Methane at a Marine Methane Seep in a Forearc Sediment Basin off Sumatra, Indian Ocean

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    A cold methane seep was discovered in a forearc sediment basin off the island Sumatra, exhibiting a methane-seep adapted microbial community. A defined seep center of activity, like in mud volcanoes, was not discovered. The seep area was rather characterized by a patchy distribution of active spots. The relevance of anaerobic oxidation of methane (AOM) was reflected by 13C-depleted isotopic signatures of dissolved inorganic carbon. The anaerobic conversion of methane to CO2 was confirmed in a 13C-labeling experiment. Methane fueled a vital microbial community with cell numbers of up to 4 × 109 cells cm−3 sediment. The microbial community was analyzed by total cell counting, catalyzed reporter deposition–fluorescence in situ hybridization (CARD–FISH), quantitative real-time PCR (qPCR), and denaturing gradient gel electrophoresis (DGGE). CARD–FISH cell counts and qPCR measurements showed the presence of Bacteria and Archaea, but only small numbers of Eukarya. The archaeal community comprised largely members of ANME-1 and ANME-2. Furthermore, members of the Crenarchaeota were frequently detected in the DGGE analysis. Three major bacterial phylogenetic groups (ή-Proteobacteria, candidate division OP9, and Anaerolineaceae) were abundant across the study area. Several of these sequences were closely related to the genus Desulfococcus of the family Desulfobacteraceae, which is in good agreement with previously described AOM sites. In conclusion, the majority of the microbial community at the seep consisted of AOM-related microorganisms, while the relevance of higher hydrocarbons as microbial substrates was negligible

    Predicting meiofauna abundance to define preservation and impact zones in a deep-sea mining context using random forest modelling

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    There is a strong economic interest in commercial deep‐sea mining of polymetallic nodules and therefore a need to define suitable preservation zones in the abyssal plain of the Clarion Clipperton Fracture Zone (CCZ). However, besides ship‐based multibeam data, only sparse continuous environmental information is available over large geographic scales. We test the potential of modelling meiofauna abundance and diversity on high taxonomic level on large geographic scale using a random forest approach. Ship‐based multibeam bathymetry and backscatter signal are the only sources for 11 predictor variables, as well as the modelled abundance of polymetallic nodules on the seafloor. Continuous meiofauna predictions have been combined with all available environmental variables and classified into classes representing abyssal habitats using k‐means clustering. Results show that ship‐based, multibeam‐derived predictors can be used to calculate predictive models for meiofauna distribution on a large geographic scale. Predicted distribution varies between the different meiofauna response variables. To evaluate predictions, random forest regressions were additionally computed with 1,000 replicates, integrating varying numbers of sampling positions and parallel samples per site. Higher numbers of parallel samples are especially useful to smoothen the influence of the remarkable variability of meiofauna distribution on a small scale. However, a high number of sampling positions is even more important, integrating a greater amount of natural variability of environmental conditions into the model. Synthesis and applications. Polymetallic nodule exploration contractors are required to define potential mining and preservation zones within their licence area. The biodiversity and the environment of preservation zones should be representative of the sites that will be impacted by mining. Our predicted distributions of meiofauna and the derived habitat maps are an essential first step to enable the identification of areas with similar ecological conditions. In this way, it is possible to define preservation zones not only based on expert opinion and environmental proxies but also integrating evidence from the distribution of benthic communities

    Nature, Nurture: Journalistische Responsibility Frames im Kontext von Depressionen

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    Wie oder wem Menschen Verantwortung fĂŒr die Entstehung von bzw. den Umgang mit Erkrankungen zuweisen, wird entscheidend durch die mediale Darstellung von Verantwortung mittels Responsibility Frames beeinflusst. Diese wiederum stehen in Zusammenhang mit den Vorstellungen der Journalist:innen hinsichtlich gesundheitlicher Verantwortung - den journalistischen Responsibility Frames. Neuere Studien zum Responsibility Framing von Gesundheitsthemen unterscheiden dabei mindestens drei Ebenen gesundheitlicher Verantwortung: Individuum, soziales Netzwerk und Gesellschaft. Vor diesem Hintergrund widmet sich der vorliegende Beitrag der Frage, inwiefern Journalist:innen individuelle, netzwerkspezifische und gesellschaftliche Verantwortung fĂŒr die Entstehung von und den Umgang mit Depressionen zuschreiben. Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage wurden 12 leitfadengestĂŒtzte Interviews mit Journalist:innen, welche fĂŒr den deutschsprachigen Raum regelmĂ€ĂŸig ĂŒber Gesundheitsthemen berichten, gefĂŒhrt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen zum einen, dass Journalist:innen - in Übereinstimmung mit der medizinischen Evidenz - sowohl die Entstehung als auch den Umgang mit Depressionen auf allen drei Ebenen gesundheitlicher Verantwortung verorten. Zum anderen wird deutlich, dass journalistische Responsibility Frames zu Depressionen stark durch den Hintergrund der Journalist:innen und insbesondere ihre Erfahrungen mit der Krankheit geprĂ€gt sind.Attributions of responsibility are heavily influenced by the portrayal of responsibility in media coverage which in turn is related to journalists' ideas about causal and treatment responsibilities in health, i.e., their journalist responsibility frames. Notably, current research on the responsibility framing of health issues differentiates between (at least) three levels of responsibility - the individual, its social network, and society at large. Against this backdrop, this paper addresses journalist responsibility frames with regards to depression. To answer this research interest, 12 qualitative interviews were conducted with journalists who regularly report on health topics in German-speaking countries. On the one hand, the results indicate that journalists attribute both causal and treatment responsibilities in depression to all three levels of responsibility. On the other hand, it becomes clear that journalist responsibility frames regarding depression are strongly influenced by journalists' background, especially their experiences with the illness as well as their training

    Mut zur LĂŒcke: Verantwortungszuschreibungen auf der Ebene sozialer Beziehungen als neuer Bereich der Framing-Forschung zu Gesundheitsthemen

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    Reifegerste D, Wiedicke A, Temmann LJ, Scherr S. Mut zur LĂŒcke. Verantwortungszuschreibungen auf der Ebene sozialer Beziehungen als neuer Bereich der Framing-Forschung zu Gesundheitsthemen. Publizistik. 2021;66:255–276.Frames der Verantwortungszuschreibung (Responsibility Frames) in der Medienberichterstattung betonen sowohl spezifische Ursachen als auch spezifische Lösungen fĂŒr ein Thema. Die Forschung zum Responsibility Framing von Medieninhalten und deren Wirkungen untersucht diese Betonung bislang zumeist auf zwei verschiedenen Ebenen: der Individualebene und der gesellschaftlichen Ebene. Diese Betrachtungsweise vernachlĂ€ssigt allerdings die wichtige mittlere Ebene des sozialen Umfelds der Menschen. Hier befinden sich zentrale Akteur*innen (wie Familie, Freund*innen oder Kolleg*innen), die als Ursache oder Lösung zu einem Problem beitragen können, was insbesondere bei Gesundheitsproblemen deutlich wird. Das Ziel des Beitrags ist es daher, die Ebene sozialer Beziehungen in das Konzept des Responsibility Framings zu integrieren. DafĂŒr verknĂŒpfen wir zentrale Elemente der sozialen Netzwerktheorie (Akteur*innen und ihre Funktionen fĂŒr das Individuum) und der Attributionstheorie mit den Framing-Konzepten. Darauf aufbauend werden Konsequenzen fĂŒr die zukĂŒnftige Forschung der Kommunikationswissenschaft abgeleitet.This article conceptualizes the role of the social network within the concept of responsibility framing. Central elements of social network theory (different actors and their functions for the individual) and attribution theory are linked with research on media frames and framing. Specifically, we integrate the social network as a distinct influence level between the level of the individual and the societal level, which have been predominantly focused in existing research on the concept of responsibility framing. Social relationships are relevant across different communication contexts, e.g., activism or education, but their most important role might be in health communication. Health and health responsibility are significantly determined by an individual’s social relationships – both informal ones (e.g., family and friends) and formal ones (e.g., colleagues at work). Social relationships come with different functions including providing social support, shaping social norms, or influencing opinions or behaviors, and they thereofore strongly contribute to a person’s physical and mental constitution. Consequently, research in the health and social sciences acknowledges the social network as a distinct determinant for individual health. However, despite its significant impact, both news media reports about health issues and communication studies on health reporting largely disregard influences on the social network level. This is particularly evident within research on the concept ofresponsibility frames, i.e., frames emphasizing responsibility for causes of or solutions to a health issue. Many content analytical and experimental studies on responsibility framing focus on responsibility attributions at the individual vs. societal level. Therefore, only little is known about the prevalence and effects of responsibility frames on the level of an individuals social network. Few recent studies on the responsibility framing of chronic illness, however, indicate that responsibility attributions to the social network do appear in the media coverage, and that they seem to have an effect on the recipients’ responsibility attributions. From studies investigating the effects of responsibility frames at the individual vs. societal level, we know that individual frames lead to more individualized attributions and may inhibit the recipients’ policy endorsement and lower intentions of civic engagement. It is therefore likely that frames at the social network level significantly shape attributions, opinions and behavioral intentions of the audience. In addition, attribution theory suggests that certain characteristics of an issue, such as perceived controllability, influence intentions to help individuals affected by this issue. However, existing studies have not yet examined the extent to which the framing of responsibility attributions at the network level influences social support intentions. Overall, important factors influencing opinions and (health) behaviors, precisely factors at the social network level, have so far been largely neglected in framing research. Consequently, it is our objective to extend the concept of responsibility frames to include the level of social networks (in addition to the individual and societal level). With a three-level-model of the responsibility framing process, we demonstrate (1) how to include responsibility attributions at the network level in the framing process (frame building, frame setting) and (2), the consequences for research in communication studies.Frame buildingdescribes which factors influence the emergence of journalistic frames. Research suggests that if the social network plays an important role for a specific (health) behavior, strategic communication reflects this with social appeals or by addressing relevant pro-social behaviors. Moreover, a content analysis on the responsibility framing of diabetes mellitus and depression shows that social network influences are indeed prevalent in journalistic media coverage, albeit less than individual and social influences. As compared to media frames and framing effects, research on journalists’ frames and their attributions of responsibility is very rare. Therefore, an explorative approach to journalists’ responsibility frames seems appropriate. In theframe settingprocess, the media frames are studied as an independent variable. Thus, studies seek to answer the question whether and how media frames are reflected in the cognitive frames of the recipients—a question which is usually examined by experiments. To account for influences of the social network, both responsibility frames and the recipients’ responsibility attributions to the social network level should be considered in experimental studies. (3) We also discuss which topics are suitable for a transfer of this new theoretical conceptualization of responsibility framing. Since responsibility frames are defined as generic (i.e., independent of specific issues), we provide a theoretical foundation for framing research that can be applied to a variety of other topics. By outlining the results of individual studies of the DFG project “Representation and Effects of Responsibility Frames for Health Topics: A Comparison of the Relevance of the Individual, the Social Network, and the Society” (DFG project number RE-3650/4-1) we want to help make our model applicable to other research topics

    Verantwortungsattribution als Wirkung von Responsibility Frames: Eine Experimentalstudie unter BerĂŒcksichtigung der sozialen Netzwerkebene

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    Responsibility Frames in der Gesundheitsberichterstattung können die Verantwortungsattributionen der Rezipierenden und somit die öffentliche Meinung zu Gesundheitsthemen wie Diabetes oder Depression beeinflussen. In den Medien wird hĂ€ufig die individuelle Verantwortung fĂŒr Gesundheit betont, obwohl die epidemiologische Forschung verstĂ€rkt auf EinflĂŒsse der Gesellschaft und insbesondere des sozialen Netzwerks verweist. WĂ€hrend Experimentalforschung zu Responsibility Frames auf den Ebenen des Individuums und der Gesellschaft vorhanden ist, werden Frames und Attributionen auf Ebene des sozialen Netzwerks bislang jedoch außer Acht gelassen. Die Ergebnisse eines reprĂ€sentativen Online-Experiments (N = 1.088) bestĂ€tigen Befunde vorheriger Experimente zur Wirkung von Individualframes und erweitern diese um die Ebene des sozialen Netzwerks. Frames auf Ebene des Individuums und des sozialen Netzwerks fĂŒhrten jeweils zu mehr Attributionen zum Individuum bzw. zum sozialen Netzwerk. Ein Frame, der die gesellschaftliche Verantwortung betont, löste hingegen komplexere Attributionsmuster aus. Implikationen dieser Ergebnisse werden hinsichtlich der Medienberichterstattung zu Gesundheitsthemen und der Forschung zum Responsibility Framing diskutiert.Responsibility frames in health reporting can influence the responsibility attributions of recipients and thus the public opinion about health topics such as diabetes or depression. The media often emphasize individual responsibility for health, although epidemiological research increasingly points to influences of society and, in particular, the social network. While experimental research on responsibility frames at the levels of the individual and society is available, frames and attributions at the level of the social network have so far been excluded. The results of a representative online experiment (N = 1,088) confirm findings of previous experiments on the effect of individual frames and extend them to the level of the social network. Frames at the level of the individual and the social network each caused more attributions to the individual and the social network, respectively. In contrast, a frame emphasizing societal responsibility elicited more complex attribution patterns. Implications of these findings are discussed with regard to media coverage on health issues and research on responsibility framing
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