Poland’s Road to the European Union: The State of the Enlargement Process after the 2001 September Elections

The author thinks that the consensus that used to exist in Poland regarding its membership in the European Union does no longer exist after the parliamentary elections in September of 2001. Two anti-European parties entered the parliament: the radical-populist Self-defense and the League of Polish Families, representing the fundamentalist Catholic right. The author claims that the opponents of the Polish integration into the EU are too weak in the Parliament to stop this process. Though Poland enjoys the support of the states such as Germany, France and Great Britain, the outcome of the Polish referendum on joining the EU, scheduled for the end of 2003 is far from certain. The reason for this is an intensified political campaign of the parliamentary parties opposed to Poland\u27s EU membership and the unfavourable economic situation. The author concludes that the success of the referendum to a large extent depends on the efficiency of the government\u27s economic policy in the first two years of its term

President in the Polish Parliamentary Democracy

Part of the package of the democratic changes accepted at the Polish Round Table in 1989 was the reintroduction of the presidency, abolished in 1952 by the Constitution of the communist era. Since then, Poland has had three presidents and four presidential elections. General Wojciech Jaruzelski ran unopposed in the only presidential elections by the National Assembly in July 1989. In 1990, the Constitution was amended to introduce presidential election by universal ballot. “Solidarity” leader Lech Walesa was elected for a five-year period (1990-1995). In 1995 he lost the elections to the then leader of the Alliance of Democratic Left Aleksander Kwasniewski, who in 2000 successfully ran for re-election. During this period, the position of the President of the Republic evolved. The new Constitution of 1997 defines the system of the Polish Republic as a parliamentarycabinet one but with broad prerogatives of the president. The actual position of the president depends not only on the norms of law but also on the political support he has in the society and on his relations with parliamentary parties. The Polish experience of the last ten years shows the possibility of a relatively strong presidency without the presidential control of the executive branch of government. It also argues against both extremes: presidentialism (the president being the chief executive or controlling the prime minister) and a weak, symbolic presidency

Political Leadership Between Democracy and Authoritarianism: Comparative and Historical Perspectives

This book sheds light on the theory of political leadership, which is still an under-researched field of political science. It is related to the philosophical argument about determinism versus activism and helps to understand the basic conflict of the 21st century between liberal democracy and new authoritarianism. The book looks at Max Weber's typology of political rule and his concept of the ethics of responsibility, which are key to the theory of leadership. The author shows that the unfinished contest between democracy and new authoritarianism in the 21st century confirms the importance of leadership in old and new democracies as well as in the neo-authoritarian regimes and calls for a new type of political leaders

President in the Polish Parliamentary Democracy

Part of the package of the democratic changes accepted at the Polish Round Table in 1989 was the reintroduction of the presidency, abolished in 1952 by the Constitution of the communist era. Since then, Poland has had three presidents and four presidential elections. General Wojciech Jaruzelski ran unopposed in the only presidential elections by the National Assembly in July 1989. In 1990, the Constitution was amended to introduce presidential election by universal ballot. “Solidarity” leader Lech Walesa was elected for a five-year period (1990-1995). In 1995 he lost the elections to the then leader of the Alliance of Democratic Left Aleksander Kwasniewski, who in 2000 successfully ran for re-election. During this period, the position of the President of the Republic evolved. The new Constitution of 1997 defines the system of the Polish Republic as a parliamentarycabinet one but with broad prerogatives of the president. The actual position of the president depends not only on the norms of law but also on the political support he has in the society and on his relations with parliamentary parties. The Polish experience of the last ten years shows the possibility of a relatively strong presidency without the presidential control of the executive branch of government. It also argues against both extremes: presidentialism (the president being the chief executive or controlling the prime minister) and a weak, symbolic presidency

A Small Power’s Strategy: Poland and the Ukrainian Crisis of 2004

Political scientists discussed the role of the smaller states in several studies published in the 1960s and 70s. They focused on policy choices a small power faced when joining multinational alliances and within them. Recently, attention has focused on how many a small powers can influence political developments both within the alliances they belong to and outside them. Poland’s involvement in the negotiated solution of the Ukrainian political crisis of 2004 shows that a smaller power can use its assets to influence events. When the political scene in Ukraine polarized between two camps (respectively represented by Prime Minister Victor Yanukovych and the opposition leader Victor Yushchenko) Russia tried to influence the outcome by giving support to Yanukovych. The United States and the European Union remained neutral in the crisis, mostly due to their unwillingness to damage their relations with Russia. When the run-off election had been rigged and Yushchenko’s supporters began street protests, Polish public opinion solidly sided with the Ukrainian opposition. Poland’s President Aleksander Kwasniewski, in a series of visits to Kiev, helped both sides of the Ukrainian crisis to reach a negotiated compromise. The run-off results were declared void by the Supreme Court and in the repeated vote Yushchenko won the presidency. Poland was able to help her neighbour to chose a democratic solution to the crisis and continues to support Ukraine’s efforts to join the European Union. In the long run such policy serves Poland’s interests but its immediate consequence has been a deterioration in Polish-Russian relations

President in the Polish parliamentary democracy

Part of the package of democratic changes accepted at the Polish Round Table in 1989 was the reintroduction of the presidency, abolished in 1952 by the Constitution of the communist era. Since then, Poland had three presidents and four presidential elections. General Wojciech Jaruzelski ran unopposed in the only presidential election by the National Assembly in July 1989. In 1990, the Constitution was amended to introduce presidential election by universal ballot. "Solidarity" leader Lech Walesa was elected for the five years period (1990-1995). In 1995 he lost the election to the then leader of the Alliance of Democratic Left Aleksander Kwasniewski, who in 2000 successfully ran for re-election. During these years, the position of the President of the Republic evolved. The new Constitution of 1997 defines the system of the Polish Republic as a parliamentary-cabinet one but with broad prerogatives of the president. The actual position of the president depends not only on the norms of law but also on the political support he has in the society and on his relations with parliamentary parties. Polish experience of last ten years shows the possibility of a relatively strong presidency without the presidential control of the executive branch of government. It also argues against both extremes: presidentialism (president being the chief executive or controlling the Prime Minister) and weak, symbolic presidency

CENTRAL EUROPE IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER

Prošlo je više od deset godina od važnih događaja iz 1989. godine, koji su promijenili svjetski poredak i redefinirali geopolitiku srednje Europe. Autor smatra kako je to dobar trenutak za ocjenu rezultata tih promjena i za raspravu o budućnosti te regije. Na temelju komparativnih studija ili onih koje su u tijeku, autor smatra kako se mogu postaviti hipoteze o specifičnostima srednje Europe u usporedbi s postkomunističkim istokom (bivši Sovjetski Savez) i jugoistokom (bivša Jugoslavija, uz iznimku Slovenije), te Albanijom: prvo, srednjoeuropske su države odbacile komunističke režime prije i odlučnije od SSSR-a; drugo, gospodarska preobrazba srednje Europe, premda nije lišena ozbiljnih teškoća, odvija se puno bolje od preobrazbe u državama članicama Zajednice Nezavisnih Država; treće, postkomunistička se društva razlikuju i po obrascu prema kojem su se njihovi sustavi društvene stratifikacije promijenili nakon pada komunističkog režima; četvrto, postoje velike razlike između srednjoeuropskih postkomunističkih država, uključujući i baltičke republike, s jedne strane, te članica ZND-a i Jugoslavije, s druge, s obzirom na njihovu internacionalnu orijentaciju. Autor ističe tri značajna događaja koji će ostaviti traga na regionalnu geostrategijsku situaciju: proširenje NATO-a na istok, akciju NATO-a protiv SRJ, te izbor Vladimira Putina za ruskog predsjednika. Stabilizaciju regionalne geopolitičke slike vidi u povezivanju država srednje Europe s Njemačkom.More than a decade has passed since the momentous events of 1989 that changed the world order and redefined the geopolitics of Central Europe. This is just the right moment to assess the results of these changes and discuss the future of that region. Based on the past comparative studies or those currently going on, we may say that Central Europe differs from the post-communist East (the former Soviet Union) and the South-East (the former Yugoslavia with the exception of Slovenia) and Albania. First, Central-European states overthrew their communist regimes earlier and in a more decisive manner than the USSR; second, the economic transformation of Central Europe, though not completely smooth, is nevertheless much smoother than the transformation of the member countries of the CIS; third, the post-communist societies differ in the pattern by which their systems of social stratification have changed after the collapse of their communist regimes; fourth, there are big differences between the Central-European postcommunist states, including the Baltic states on the one hand, and the CIS members and Yugoslavia on the other regarding their international orientation. The author highlights three significant events that are going to leave their trace on the regional geostrategic situation: NATO’s eastern expansion, NATO’s campaign against SRY and the election of Vladimir Putin for president of Russia. The regional geopolitical picture may become more stable with closer ties between the states of Central Europe and Germany

II wojna światowa i nowy ład światowy

"W dziejach stosunków międzynarodowych półwiecze zamykające się datami 1939– –1989 miało znaczenie przełomowe. Pod wieloma względami zamknęło ono całą dotychczasową epokę nowożytnych stosunków międzynarodowych i stworzyło świat, w którym żyć będą następne pokolenia. Warto więc zastanowić się nad tym, jakie właściwości II wojny światowej czynią ją tak ważną cezurą w historii politycznej. W dalszych rozważaniach skupię uwagę na trzech zagadnieniach. Pierwszym jest charakter tej wojny, tak bardzo różnej od wojen wcześniejszych pod względem techniki wojennej, a jeszcze bardziej celów przyświecających wojującym stronom. Drugim są zmiany, które wojna ta spowodowała w strukturze stosunków międzynarodowych – zarówno takich, które w pięćdziesiąt lat po jej wybuchu odeszły w niepowrotną przeszłość, jak i takich, które są nadal obecne w polityce światowej i pozostaną w mocy przez wiele następnych dziesięcioleci. Trzecie zagadnienie to rozważenia na temat wpływu II wojny światowej na myśl polityczną i prawną. Na koniec warto też zastanowić się, jak II wojna światowa wpłynęła na położenie Polski."(...