Another Theory is Possible: Dissident Voices in Theorising Europe

The article argues that dissident voices which attempt to theorise Europe differently and advocate another European trajectory have been largely excluded and left unheard in mainstream discussions over the past decade of scholarship and analysis. Dissident voices in European Union studies are those that seek to actively challenge the mainstream of the study of Europe. As all the contributors to the special issue make clear, there is a rich diversity of alternatives to mainstream thinking and theorising the EU on which to draw for different ways of theorising Europe. The introductory article briefly examines the discipline of mainstreaming, then surveys extent of polyphonic engagement in EU studies before setting out how the special issue contributors move beyond the mainstream. The article will argue the merits of more polyphonic engagement with dissident voices and differing disciplinary approach for the health and vitality of EU studies and the EU policy field itself. The article sets out the wide range of contributions which the special issue articles make to theorising the EU. It summarises the special issue argument that by allowing for dissident voices in theorising Europe another Europe, and another theory, is possible indeed probable

Building a Stronger Eastern Partnership: Towards an EaP 2.0

The European Union has been working to deepen the economic and political relationship with its Eastern neighbouring countries over the recent years. A set of formal agreements are intended for signature between the EU and Ukraine, Moldova and the South Caucasus states at the Eastern Partnership (EaP) summit scheduled for 28-29 November 2013. These agreements have provoked a response from the Russian Federation which is seeking to offer an alternative set of economic relationship to the exclusion of the EU. In the first Policy Paper to be published, the recently created Global Europe Centre (GEC) sets out a reform agenda that the EU needs to adopt towards the EaP states to enable a more binding relationship. The paper argues that the EU needs to define a ‘next generation’ objective for the EaPas it enters the implementation phase of the current set of Association Agreements (AAs). The proposal is that the EU should set a European Partnership Community (EPC) statusas a bilateral and multilateral goal for the EaP. The paper contends that there is urgency for the EU to think more strategically vis-à-vis its neighbourhood, and create a more clear-cut place for Russia to avoid the current situation of divisive competition. Further, the EU needs to reform aspects of its current EaP policy. The EU needs to define a clearer, and measureable set of objectives for its role in the resolution of the ‘frozen’ conflicts of its Eastern neighbourhood; refresh its policy towards Belarus; speed up visa liberalisation to ease travel for citizens of the EU’s neighbouring states; and deepen and broaden civil society engagement by investing more in deep democracy, linkage and people-to-people contacts

Building the Brexit machine: will the hardware match the software?

How are preparations for Brexit coming along? Richard Whitman pursues an IT analogy, arguing that while the ‘hardware’ to facilitate the Brexit negotiation, including a dedicated minister and ministry, is in place, the ‘software’ – i.e., answers to crucial questions on how the relationship between the UK and the EU will look like – is still lacking

The UK’s foreign and security policy: what’s at stake in the referendum? Egmont Security Policy Brief No. 73 May 2016

Foreign and security policy was not an area in which Prime Minister Cameron sought to alter the relationship between the UK and the European Union (EU) in renegotiating the terms of Britain’s membership. However, security has become a key theme in the referendum debate. The airport and metro bombings in Brussels have focused particular attention on the issue of border and ‘homeland’ security, and whether the UK has its security enhanced, or compromised, through its membership of the EU. There are also broader questions about the EU’s historic role in bringing peace to the European continent and its capacity to be a capable security and defence actor. These were raised by David Cameron in what was the most passionate speech on Europe of his Premiership delivered on 9th May

Brexit or Bremain: What future for the UK’s European Diplomatic Strategy?

A major public debate on the costs and benefits of the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Union is presently under way. The outcome of the referendum on 23 June 2016 will be a pivotal moment in determining whether the EU has a future as a component of the UK’s European diplomatic strategy or whether there is a major recalibration of how the UK relates to Europe and more widely of its role within international relations. Since accession to the European Economic Community the UK has evolved an uncodified, multipronged European diplomatic strategy. This has involved the UK seeking to reinforce its approach of shaping the security of the continent, preserving a leading diplomatic role for the UK in managing the international relations of Europe, and to maximize British trade and investment opportunities through a broadening and deepening of Europe as an economically liberal part of the global political economy. Since accession the UK’s European diplomatic strategy has also been to use membership of the EU as facilitating the enhancement of its international influence, primarily as a vehicle for leveraging and amplifying broader national foreign and security policy objectives. The strategy has been consistent irrespective of which party has formed the government in the UK. Increasing domestic political difficulties with the process of European integration have now directly impacted on this European strategy with a referendum commitment. Whether a vote for a Brexit or a Bremain, the UK will be confronted with challenges for its future European strategy

Weight change, body condition and beef-cow reproduction

September 1975.Includes bibliographical references (pages 54-63).I. Data compiled on 686 Angus and Hereford cows 2 to 11 years old fed different levels of energy before and after calving were analyzed by the method of least squares to determine the effect of individual weight change and body condition on (1) likelihood of estrus (LOE) 30 to 90 days postpartum and (2) likelihood of pregnancy (LOP) at first breeding. Cows were designated to weight-change groups according to weight gain (G) or loss (L) 120 days before and 90 to 140 days after calving (GG, GL, LG, or LL) and from calving to first breeding (G or L). Cows were also designated to body condition groups (thin, moderate, or good) at calving and first breeding according to visual appraisal and palpated fat cover over the back and ribs. Weight change pre- and post-calving significantly (P .05). II. Studies were conducted to: (1) determine the repeatability of a cow-height measurement and (2) determine the relation of weight-to-height ratio to measurable backfat. Height at the hips was measured to the nearest .1 cm using a steel caliper, which swung over the cow and extended downward from a pre-set height to the lumbar vertebrae midway between the tuber coxae. Backfat measurements were taken over the 12th and 13th ribs using an ultrasonic scanner. In three separate studies involving a total of 927 height measurements on 250 cows, repeatability estimates obtained were .86, .81 and .91. In two separate studies involving height and backfat measurements on a total of 120 cows, correlations between weight-to-height ratio and measurable backfat were .50 and .71. III. Five hundred sixty Angus and Angus x Hereford cows 6 to 13 years of age were used to determine the relation of pre- and post-calving weight-to-height ratio to likelihood of estrus (LOE) 30 to 90 days postpartum and likelihood of pregnancy (LOP) at first breeding. All cows calved each of the previous three years and were pregnant to Simmental, Simmental x Hereford or Charolais sires. Height of each cow at the hips was measured to the nearest .5 cm and individual weights were taken approximately 120, 90, 60 and 30 days before calving, at first postpartum estrus and at first breeding. Of the pre-calving measurements, weight-to-height ratio (WHR) 60 days before calving most consistently accounted for significant portions (P .05)

Influence of Pyrithiobac and Insecticide Combinations on Cotton Growth and Early Season Pest Control.

Field studies were conducted at two locations in Northeast Louisiana, to investigate interactions associated with the herbicide pyrithiobac and insecticide combinations in respect to weed control and insecticide efficacy and cotton response. In addition, controlled environment experiments were conducted to evaluate the effect of temperature regimes and simulated thrips damage on pyrithiobac plus insecticide phytotoxicity to cotton. Pyrithiobac and insecticide combinations when compared with pyrithiobac alone did not reduce cotton leaf area, height, main stem node number, main stem nodes to first square, days to first square or flower, main stem nodes above white flower, or seedcotton yield. Acephate insecticide alone in one experiment and oxamyl insecticide in two experiments reduced thrips larvae more than when in combination with pyrithiobac. Weed control was equivalent when pyrithiobac was applied alone or in combination with the insecticides acephate, dicrotophos, fipronil, imidacloprid, lambda-cyhalothrin, oxamyl, carbofuran, or dimethoate. Presence of thrips on cotton did not affect cotton tolerance to pyrithiobac. However, differential cotton response to rate of pyrithiobac was observed. Cotton growth not reduced by pyrithiobac applied at four times the labeled rate of 0.07 kg ai/ha compared with nontreated cotton. Leaf area reductions as high as 58% were observed with eight and sixteen times the labeled rate. Significant reductions in cotton height were observed, but varied among years and locations. At Winnsboro, LA, pyrithiobac at 1.22 kg/ha increased total main stem nodes at square initiation by 1.2 nodes. Although significant reductions were observed in leaf area, cotton yield was reduced only in 1998 by pyrithiobac at 1.22 kg/ha (19%). In an additional study, the presence of thrips or simulated thrips damage did not change cotton tolerance to pyrithiobac regardless of application timing. In the controlled environment study, cotton response to pyrithiobac; was not effected when cotton was stressed under a cool temperature regime (22/10 C day/night for 48 hours prior to application) or terminal removal to simulate thrips damage. Some injury to cotton was observed 7 days after treatment when pyrithiobac was applied with the insecticide malathion or dimethoate but injury was transient and less than 5% 21 days later

Self-estimate of Proficiency in Parliamentary Procedure by Members of the 1967 South Dakota State Legislature

Instruction in parliamentary procedure has long been a part of the curriculum in many schools of this country. Generally, this instruction has been associated with departments of speech; consequently, speech teachers have researched for methods of evaluating the effectiveness and the extensiveness of training that students receive in parliamentary procedure. Since parliamentary procedure is the operating code of most deliberative assemblies, the South Dakota State Legislature was chosen as a logical place to measure the practical application of techniques learned in parliamentary procedure courses. Because the effectiveness of a legislator may be somewhat dependent on how well he can employ parliamentary skills, an attempt was made to determine to what extent or how effectively South Dakota’s legislators feel they are prepared in the various aspects of parliamentary procedure. The problem was sub-divided into the following questions: A. In terms of their own judgement, how competent are the legislators in the various areas of parliamentary procedure? 1. Formal procedure? a. Phrasing main motions? b. Using subsidiary motions? c. Using incidental motions? d. Using privileged motions? 2. Committee procedure? 3. Areas other than those covered in 1 and 2 above? B. How does the number of terms of office correlate with the legislature’s estimate of his proficiency in parliamentary procedure? C. How much formal instruction have the legislators had in parliamentary procedure

Soft or hard Brexit? EPC Commentary, 15 July 2016

The EU is in uncharted waters when it comes to negotiating the UK’s exit from the Union. Creative and flexible thinking will be required from all parties if an orderly departure is to be managed. The alternative is a fractious, mutually damaging and disorderly Brexit. This commentary argues for a short-term, time-limited agreement to stabilise the EU-UK relationship and to allow breathing space to develop the terms of a long-term strategic partnership