‘Awakening the Sleeping Beauty’: Brazil’s vision of a modern agriculture and the Role of the Office of Inter-American Affairs under Nelson Rockefeller

This article discusses the role of the U.S. war institution Office of Inter-American Affairs (1940-45) in the modernization policies of Brazil during the first government of Getúlio Vargas. The first section analyses - based on Brazil’s modernization utopias since the late 19th century - the concept of nation-building with its “March to the West”, the integration of the hinterland into the nation. The second section describes the structure and strategies of the Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) and its goals to mobilize as many natural resources for the war effort as possible. Providing food supply for Allied Forces and US troops in Brazil, and for miners and rubber collectors comprised the most eminent tasks of the OIAA, whose agricultural policies in Brazil are the topics of the third section, while the last section highlights that the US policies of agricultural modernization in Brazil went far beyond World War II

Kroatischer Nationalismus und Panslawismus in Argentinien und Chile während des Ersten Weltkriegs

The present article deals with the development of Southern Slav nationalism among former subjects of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in South America in the years before and during World War I. The article focuses on Chile and Argentina, but also takes the transnational characteristics of the nationalist Slav movement into consideration, which established strong transatlantic connections with the Yugoslav Committee in London and links with national committees in the United States. Chile became the center of the Southern Slav movement in Western South America. It provided the committee in London not only with considerable sums of money, but also with intensive propaganda activities which first sought to gain adherents among the emigrated Croatian and Dalmatian subjects of the Habsburg Empire. The diplomatic representatives of the Dual Monarchy found themselves confronted with a political situation, which they initially sub-estimated, but were not able to deal with later.The present article deals with the development of Southern Slav nationalism among former subjects of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in South America in the years before and during World War I. The article focuses on Chile and Argentina, but also takes the transnational characteristics of the nationalist Slav movement into consideration, which established strong transatlantic connections with the Yugoslav Committee in London and links with national committees in the United States. Chile became the center of the Southern Slav movement in Western South America. It provided the committee in London not only with considerable sums of money, but also with intensive propaganda activities which first sought to gain adherents among the emigrated Croatian and Dalmatian subjects of the Habsburg Empire. The diplomatic representatives of the Dual Monarchy found themselves confronted with a political situation, which they initially sub-estimated, but were not able to deal with later.El presente artículo trata el tema del desarollo del nacionalismo sudeslavo entre ex-subditos del Imperio Austro-Húngaro en los años ante y durante la Primera Guerra Mundial. El artículo se centra en Chile e Argentina, pero considera también las características transnacionales del movimiento nacionalista eslavo que conectó al Comité Yugoslavo instituido en Londres, con los comités nacionales eslavos establecidos en Estados Unidos. Chile se convirtió en el centro del movimiento nacionalista eslavo en la costa occidental sudamericana, contribuyendo con el comité en Londres no solo con grandes sumas de dinero, sino también con un fuerte trabajo de propaganda destinado, de un lado, a ganar adeptos sobre todo entre los súbditos croatas y dálmatas establecidos en los países sudamericanos. Los representantes de la monarquía dual se vieron confrontados con una situación que en un principio subestimaron y después no supieron manejar

The first trimester human trophoblast cell line ACH-3P: A novel tool to study autocrine/paracrine regulatory loops of human trophoblast subpopulations – TNF-α stimulates MMP15 expression

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>The trophoblast compartment of the placenta comprises various subpopulations with distinct functions. They interact among each other by secreted signals thus forming autocrine or paracrine regulatory loops. We established a first trimester trophoblast cell line (ACH-3P) by fusion of primary human first trimester trophoblasts (week 12 of gestation) with a human choriocarcinoma cell line (AC1-1).</p> <p>Results</p> <p>Expression of trophoblast markers (cytokeratin-7, integrins, matrix metalloproteinases), invasion abilities and transcriptome of ACH-3P closely resembled primary trophoblasts. Morphology, cytogenetics and doubling time was similar to the parental AC1-1 cells. The different subpopulations of trophoblasts e.g., villous and extravillous trophoblasts also exist in ACH-3P cells and can be immuno-separated by HLA-G surface expression. HLA-G positive ACH-3P display pseudopodia and a stronger expression of extravillous trophoblast markers. Higher expression of insulin-like growth factor II receptor and human chorionic gonadotropin represents the basis for the known autocrine stimulation of extravillous trophoblasts.</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>We conclude that ACH-3P represent a tool to investigate interaction of syngeneic trophoblast subpopulations. These cells are particularly suited for studies into autocrine and paracrine regulation of various aspects of trophoblast function. As an example a novel effect of TNF-α on matrix metalloproteinase 15 in HLA-G positive ACH-3P and explants was found.</p

Iberoamerican Reviews

Reseñas iberoamericanasIberoamerican Review

&lt;i&gt;Area Studies Revisited Die Geschichte der Lateinamerikastudien in den USA, 1940 bis 1970&lt;/i&gt; by Torsten Loschke

A book review of: Torsten Loschke, Area Studies Revisited. Die Geschichte der Lateinamerikastudien in den USA, 1940 bis 1970. Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2019

Americanization of Brazil or a pragmatic wartime alliance? The politics of Nelson Rockfeller´s office of inter american affair in Brazil during world war II

This article considers firstly the wide range of activities spearheaded by the Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) in Brazil and the significance of this wartime institution. The OIAA was created in 1940 and headed by Nelson A. Rockefeller to combat Axis inroads into the South of the Western Hemisphere and deepen U.S. influence in the region. Toward this end it was engaged in a variety of spheres, including finance, commerce, and manufacturing industry, communications and mass media, culture and education. Its politics in Brazil, the most important hemispheric partner moreover, serves to illustrate the intertwining of economy, politics, and culture in United States foreign policy, especially towards Latin America. Secondly, the article will also show that the Brazilian government � rather than being a passive recipient of dictums from Washington � worked hard to appropriate the OIAA�s agenda to the demands of its own interests in the ongoing nation-building process. In this context the article will ask whether the discourse of brasilidade, the state-controlled construction of a national identity, was a counterweight to the transfer of American Way of Life and of American values to Brazil. Hence, this text will discuss the Brazilian as well as the U.S.-American perspective.Cet article examine en premier lieu le large spectre d�activités promues par l�Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) au Brésil et le rôle de cette institution des temps de guerre. L�OIAA a été crée en 1940, avec à sa tête Nelson A. Rockefeller, pour combattre l�entrée de l�Axe sur le continent américain et amplifier l�influence des États-Unis d�Amérique dans la région. À cet effet, l�OIAA s�est immiscé dans toute une série de sphères, telles que les finances, le commerce et l�industrie, les communications et les médias de masse, la culture et l�éducation. Sa politique au Brésil, son partenaire le plus important sur le continent, illustre en outre les liens entre les aspects économiques, politiques et culturels au sein de la politique d�affaires étrangères menée par les Etats-Unis d�Amérique, spécialement en ce qui concerne l�Amérique Latine. En deuxième lieu, l�article montrera également que le gouvernement brésilien - au lieu de se comporter comme récepteur passif des prescriptions de Washington � a beaucoup travaillé pour rendre l�ordre du jour de l�OIAA approprié à ses propres intérêts, en vue de corroborer le processus en cours de construction de la nation. En fonction de ce contexte, l�article analysera la capacité du discours de la « brasilité », entendu sous la perspective de la construction d�une identité nationale contrôlée par l�État, à faire contrepoids au transfert de l�American Way of Life et des valeurs américaines au Brésil. Par conséquent, ce texte s�intéressera aussi bien à la perspective brésilienne qu�à l�optique nord-américaine.Este artigo analisa, em primeiro lugar, a larga gama de atividades promovidas pelo Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) no Brasil e o significado desta instituição de tempos de guerra. O OIAA foi criado em 1940 e liderado por Nelson A. Rockefeller para combater a entrada do Eixo no Sul do continente americano e ampliar a influência dos Estados Unidos na região. Com este intuito, envolveu-se numa série de esferas, como finanças, comércio e indústria, comunicações e mídia de massas, cultura e educação. Sua política no Brasil, seu mais importante parceiro no continente, ilustra, além disso, o entrelaçamento entre economia, política e cultura na política externa dos Estados Unidos, especialmente para a América Latina. Em segundo lugar, o artigo mostrará também que o governo brasileiro � em vez de ser um receptor passivo dos ditames de Washington � trabalhou arduamente para apropriar a pauta do OIAA aos seus próprios interesses no processo em andamento de construção da nação. Neste contexto, o artigo questionará se o discurso de brasilidade, a construção de uma identidade nacional controlada pelo Estado, foi um contrapeso para a transferência do American Way of Life e dos valores americanos ao Brasil. Assim, este texto discutirá tanto a perspectiva brasileira quanto estadounidense.El artículo analiza, en primer lugar, la amplia gama de actividades promovidas por el Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) en Brasil y el significado de esta institución de tiempos de guerra. El OIAA fue creado en 1940 y liderado por Nelson A. Rockefeller para combatir la entrada del Eje en el Sur del continente americano y ampliar el influjo de los Estados Unidos en la región. Con este objetivo, se ha enfrascado en una serie de esferas, como finanzas, comercio e industria, comunicaciones y comunicación de masas, cultura y educación. Su política en Brasil, su más importante aparcero en el continente, ilustra, además, el entrelazamiento entre economía, política y cultura en la política exterior de los Estados Unidos, sobre todo para América Latina. En segundo lugar, el artículo mostrará también que el gobierno brasileño � en lugar de ser un receptor pasivo de los dictámenes de Washington � ha trabajado arduamente para apropiar el programa del OIAA a sus propios intereses en el proceso en marcha de construcción de la nación. En este contexto, el artículo cuestionará si el discurso de brasilidade, la construcción de una identidad nacional controlada por el Estado, fue un contrapeso para la transferencia del American Way of Life y de los valores americanos al Brasil. De este modo, el texto discutirá tanto la perspectiva brasileña como la estadounidense

Rückzug, Rampenlicht und Integration: Leopold von Andrian, Paul Frischauer und Otto Maria Carpeaux im Exil

Der Aufsatz nimmt die literarisch-publizistischen Lebenswelten der österreichischen Exilanten Leopold von Andrian, Paul Frischauer und Otto Maria Carpeaux in den Blick. Sie hatten ähnliche politische Sozialisationen im Österreich der Zwischenkriegszeit, mussten aufgrund ihrer ethnischen Zugehörigkeit und ihres politischen Engagements Österreich verlassen und lebten in oder nahe Rio de Janeiro. Was Carpeaux, Frischauer und Andrian von Tausenden anderer Flüchtlinge unterschied, waren ihr Status und ihre politischen Kontakte. Sie waren materiell privilegierter, der harte Überlebenskampf vieler anderer blieb ihnen erspart; trotzdem waren sie Vertriebene und Heimatlose. Frischauer und Andrian kehrten nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs über Umwege in ihre Heimatländer zurück, Carpeaux blieb, wurde zum Brasilianer und hinterließ ein starkes Vermächtnis. Dieser Aufsatz beleuchtet ihre Haltung, ihre Rollen und Arbeiten im brasilianischen Exil kritisch und analytisch. Er bietet und verknüpft drei biographische Erzählungen. Während der Monarchist Leopold von Andrian an der Restauration der Habsburgermonarchie festhielt, öffnete sich der jüngere, opportunistische Flüchtling Paul Frischauer als Biograph des Diktators Vargas Türen zur Macht. Otto Maria Carpeaux hingegen, der wie Andrian ein Theoretiker des autoritären österreichischen Ständestaats gewesen war, transformierte sich zum Brasilianer, zum heimischen Literaturpapst und transatlantischen Brückenbauer.The essay takes a look at the literary lives of the Austrian exiles Leopold von Andrian, Paul Frischauer, and Otto Maria Carpeaux. They had similar political socializations in interwar Austria, were forced to leave Austria because of their ethnicity and political commitment, and lived in or near Rio de Janeiro. What distinguished Carpeaux, Frischauer, and Andrian from thousands of other refugees was their status and political contacts. They were more privileged materially, they were spared the hard struggle for survival of many others; nevertheless, they were displaced persons and homeless. Frischauer and Andrian returned to their home countries via circuitous routes after the end of World War II; Carpeaux stayed, became Brazilian, and left a strong legacy. This essay examines critically and analytically their attitudes, roles, and works in Brazilian exile. It presents and connects three biographical narratives. While the monarchist Leopold von Andrian clung to the restoration of the Habsburg monarchy, the younger, opportunistic fugitive Paul Frischauer gained access to power as a biographer of the dictator Vargas. Otto Maria Carpeaux, on the other hand, who like Andrian had been a theorist of the authoritarian Austrian corporative state, transformed himself into a Brazilian, a local literary pundit and a transatlantic bridge builder