Druckprojekte indigener Sprachen im Vizekönigreich Peru: Publizierbarkeit und unveröffentlichte Manuskripte

Dieser Aufsatz untersucht unveröffentlichte Manuskripte und gescheiterte Druckprojekte in den Sprachen des früheren Inka-Reiches, welche anhand bibliographischer Entwicklungen während der Kolonialzeit kontextualisiert werden. Das Drucken in indigener Sprache war ursprünglich der Grund, 1584 eine Druckerpresse in Lima zu etablieren. Nach frühen religiösen und linguistischen Drucken im 16. und zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhundert aber nahm die Publikationstätigkeit in indigenen Sprachen stark ab. Erst zwischen 1810 und 1822 nahm die Zahl der bilingualen Drucke durch politische Flugblätter wieder zu. Neben Drucken auf Quechua und Aymara, sind nur einzelne in Mochica (Yunga) und Puquina bekannt, viele der linguistischen Beobachtungen zirkulierten dagegen in Manuskriptform. Als geopolitische Grundpfeiler der Kolonisation und der Evangelisierung galt die Verbreitung der kastilischen Sprache, welche die verschiedenen Vizekönigreiche sprachlich zusammenhalten sollte. Im 18. Jahrhundert fand ein weiterer Wandel hin zu einer monolingualen Sprachpolitik des Spanischen statt, insbesondere nach den Anden-Rebellionen. Das analysierte Fallbeispiel um das Publikationsvorhaben einer Quechua-Grammatik durch José Manuel Bermúdez 1793 zeigt, wie Diversifizierungsabsichten scheiterten. Die Erforschung von unveröffentlichten Manuskripten und solch gescheiterten Druckprojekten erweitert unser Wissen über die Druckkultur in der Vergangenheit.This article examines unpublished manuscripts and failed printing projects in the languages of the former Inca empire up to the beginning of the 19th century. Although the original reason for establishing a printing press in Lima in 1584 was to publish texts in indigenous languages, the colonial context would restrict such printing in various ways. After an initial period which saw numerous pastoral and linguistic publications, a bibliographical analysis reveals that printing in indigenous languages declined considerably from the mid-17th century onwards. Besides publications in Quechua and Aymara, we know of only few printed texts in Mochica (Yunga) and Puquina from the colonial era, whereas further linguistic material dedicated to these languages circulated in manuscript form. Only between 1810 and 1822 would bilingual publications increase again, in the form of political proclamations written in the context of the independence movements. In contrast, the spread of Spanish contributed to the linguistic cohesion of the various viceroyalties and formed a key part of the geopolitics of colonisation and evangelisation. After the shift towards a more monolingual language policy – which intensified after rebellions in the Andes in the late 18th century – there were almost no more new publications in indigenous languages in Lima. As a case study, the failed publication project of a Quechua grammar by José Manuel Bermúdez in Lima in 1793 demonstrates how the attempt to renew the publication of indigenous-language texts, and thus to diversify the range of works available, ultimately proved unfeasible. By examining unpublished manuscripts and focusing on such failed printing projects like that of Bermúdez, this article enhances our knowledge of the printing culture in the past.Este artículo trata de manuscritos inéditos y proyectos de impresión fallidos en las lenguas habladas del antiguo imperio inca hasta inicios del siglo XIX. La impresión en lenguas indígenas fue el motivo original para el establecimiento de una imprenta en Lima en 1584, pero el contexto colonial dificultó la impresión en varios casos. Sin embargo, después de los primeros impresos pastorales y lingüísticos, el análisis bibliográfico demuestra cómo la actividad editorial en lenguas indígenas disminuyó considerablemente a partir de mediados del siglo XVII. Aparte de las publicaciones en quechua y aimara, se conocen solamente casos aislados en mochica (yunga) y puquina de la época colonial, mientras que otros materiales lingüísticos circularon de forma manuscrita. Recién entre 1810 y 1822, las publicaciones bilingües recuperaron un cierto auge en la forma de proclamas políticas en el contexto de los movimientos independentistas. Al contrario, parte de la geopolítica de la colonización y la evangelización fue la difusión de la lengua castellana, destinada a cohesionar idiomáticamente los distintos virreinatos. Debido al cambio hacia una política lingüística monolingüe, que se volvió especialmente más estricta después de las rebeliones andinas de finales del siglo XVIII, casi no hubo nuevas publicaciones en lenguas indígenas en Lima. El estudio de caso analizado, que gira en torno al proyecto de la publicación de una gramática quechua por José Manuel Bermúdez en 1793, muestra cómo las intenciones de diversificación para ampliar y renovar la oferta de obras impresas en lenguas indígenas no pudieron llevarse a cabo. Nuestro conocimiento de la cultura de la imprenta en el pasado mejora cuando también tomamos en cuenta los manuscritos inéditos y estos proyectos de impresión fallidos

Manifestaciones de violencia contra las mujeres, Argentina (1880-1910)

This article analyzes various forms of violence against women, particularly those of the working classes, in a society that was undergoing fast transformation between the end of the 19th century and the first decade of the 20th century. In that context, gender relations were rearranged in different ways in the face of changes in society. Episodes of violence against women by men reached the courts and the press. Through the examination of court files from the city and province of Buenos Aires, I pay attention to police and judicial procedures that often ended in the release of the accused. I also analyze mass-circulation publications that took these episodes and made them focus of interest for a wide public. Through particular stories, I inquire how these types of publications created empathy with the victims.This article analyzes various forms of violence against women, particularly those of the working classes, in a society that was undergoing fast transformation between the end of the 19th century and the first decade of the 20th century. In that context, gender relations were rearranged in different ways in the face of changes in society. Episodes of violence against women by men reached the courts and the press. Through the examination of court files from the city and province of Buenos Aires, I pay attention to police and judicial procedures that often ended in the release of the accused. I also analyze mass-circulation publications that took these episodes and made them focus of interest for a wide public. Through particular stories, I inquire how these types of publications created empathy with the victims.En este artículo se analizan diversas formas de violencias contra las mujeres adultas y niñas, en particular de las clases populares, en una sociedad que se transformaba aceleradamente entre fines del siglo XIX y la primera década del XX. En ese contexto las relaciones de género se reacomodaron de diferente modo frente a los cambios en la sociedad, y los episodios de violencia de varones contra mujeres llegaron a los juzgados y a la prensa. A través del examen de expedientes judiciales de la ciudad y la provincia de Buenos Aires presto atención a los procedimientos policiales y judiciales como andamiajes que muchas veces terminaban en la libertad de los acusados. También analizo publicaciones de circulación masiva que tomaban estos episodios reales y los convertían en foco de interés de un público amplio. A través de relatos sobre manifestaciones de justicia por mano propia reflexiono sobre el modo en que se creaba empatía con las víctimas

Beyond Contraceptives: Family Planning, Anti-abortionism, and Sexual Education in Paraguay, 1966-1977

This article studies the Centro Paraguayo de Estudios de la Población (CEPEP) when the organization was led by Dr. Dario Castagnino. It considers his personal and professional reasons in starting the organization. More fundamentally the study considers how anti-abortionism drove the philosophy of the organization to educate the Paraguayan public in various methods of birth control and sexual education. Using oral testimony and the surviving documentation of the organization this article aims to better understand how family planning and sexual education was delivered to an eager public.This article studies the Centro Paraguayo de Estudios de la Población (CEPEP) when the organization was led by Dr. Dario Castagnino. It considers his personal and professional reasons in starting the organization. More fundamentally the study considers how anti-abortionism drove the philosophy of the organization to educate the Paraguayan public in various methods of birth control and sexual education. Using oral testimony and the surviving documentation of the organization this article aims to better understand how family planning and sexual education was delivered to an eager public.Este articulo estudia el Centro Paraguayo de Estudios de la Población (CEPEP) cuando la institución estuvo bajo la dirección del Dr. Darío Castagnino. El estudio considera sus razones personales y profesionales al comenzar a trabajar en el campo de estudios familiar. Más allá, el estudio considera cómo el anti-abortionismo era la filosofía que llevó la organización a educar al publico paraguayo en varias métodos de anticoncepción y educación sexual. Usando testimonios orales y documentación de la organización, este articulo busca comprender con un mayor conocimiento de cómo la planificación familiar y educación sexual fue dirigida a un publico interesado

La paradoja arbitral: cuestiones de límites y "cultura de las pretensiones territoriales" en Hispanoamérica

This article analyzes the problems connected with the submission to arbitration of boundary disputes between Hispanic American states at the turn of the twentieth century. While the institutionalization of arbitration was a goal widely promoted by international legal scholars and diplomats from Spanish America, several actors involved in the dispute or resolution of such controversies at the time hesitated on its appropriateness. Doubts were raised over the possibility of submitting to the judgment of a third party matters that could eventually affect the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the republics, as well as other abstract concepts characteristic of the time such as national honor and dignity. Such skepticism is closely connected to another important element of the period: the progressive sacralization and increasing popularity in nationalist discourses of the alleged demarcations of the Spanish Monarchy.This article analyzes the problems connected with the submission to arbitration of boundary disputes between Hispanic American states at the turn of the twentieth century. While the institutionalization of arbitration was a goal widely promoted by international legal scholars and diplomats from Spanish America, several actors involved in the dispute or resolution of such controversies at the time hesitated on its appropriateness. Doubts were raised over the possibility of submitting to the judgment of a third party matters that could eventually affect the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the republics, as well as other abstract concepts characteristic of the time such as national honor and dignity. Such skepticism is closely connected to another important element of the period: the progressive sacralization and increasing popularity in nationalist discourses of the alleged demarcations of the Spanish Monarchy.El presente artículo explora los problemas vinculados al sometimiento a arbitraje de las cuestiones de límites entre países hispanoamericanos entre las últimas décadas del siglo XIX y las primeras décadas del siglo XX. A pesar de que el arbitraje había sido y sería una aspiración ampliamente respaldada por muchos de los juristas internacionalistas y diplomáticos de Hispanoamérica, no pocos actores inmersos en la disputa o resolución de este tipo de controversias en aquel momento terminaron dudando de la pertinencia de someter al juicio de terceros una cuestión que podría afectar no solamente a la integridad territorial y/o a la soberanía, sino también a construcciones abstractas muy características del momento como el “honor” o la “dignidad” nacionales. Este recelo guarda una relación directa con otro elemento relevante para este trabajo: la progresiva sacralización y popularización, a lo largo de este período, de la remisión a las demarcaciones de la Monarquía española, que pasaron de ser consideradas como un elemento constituyente y fundacional de carácter más o menos temporal tras las Independencias a constituir uno de los pilares esenciales de los discursos nacionalistas propios del fin de siglo

Gender, Health, and Medicine in Latin America - Introduction

Dieses Dossier umfasst sechs Artikeln zum Thema "Gender, Health, and Medicine in Latin America". Die Beiträge bieten neue Einblicke in die Komplexität der genderspezifischen Gesundheitspraktiken, der Medizin und der öffentlichen Gesundheit.This dossier contains six articles on "Gender, Health, and Medicine in Latin America." Contributions thus provide new insights on the complexities of gendered health practices, medicine, and public health.Este dossier contiene seis artículos sobre "Género, salud y medicina en América Latina". Las contribuciones aportan así nuevas perspectivas sobre las complejidades de las prácticas sanitarias, la medicina y la salud pública relacionadas con el género

Working Mothers and "Machos Completos" - Gendered Modernity in Fertility Surveys in Colombia (1960s to 1970s)

In 1960s and 1970s Colombia, physicians warned about demographic growth – or the “population explosion” – and addressed Colombian women and men as subjects who should come to understand the need to limit the size of their family. So-called fertility surveys were the key to understand existing attitudes with regard to the question. Furthermore, the doctors believed that the dissemination of their results would convince policy makers of the need to create family planning programs. Looking beyond this strategic moment, this article analyzes the gendered assumptions on women, men, sexuality and partnerships that informed the surveys and their results. In doing so, it places this medical-demographic knowledge production in the broader context of development and modernization debates in Colombia. Physicians became allies of feminist demands for women’s access to education and the job market, opened the discussion for sexual education, and joined ranks with the broad coalition that advocated for responsible parenthood. At the same time, the “médicos-demógrafos” planned the distribution of contraceptive methods without much regard for women’s health. In highlighting these tensions, the article contributes to the complex history of gender, medicine and health in the Americas.In 1960s and 1970s Colombia, physicians warned about demographic growth – or the “population explosion” – and addressed Colombian women and men as subjects who should come to understand the need to limit the size of their family. So-called fertility surveys were the key to understand existing attitudes with regard to the question. Furthermore, the doctors believed that the dissemination of their results would convince policy makers of the need to create family planning programs. Looking beyond this strategic moment, this article analyzes the gendered assumptions on women, men, sexuality and partnerships that informed the surveys and their results. In doing so, it places this medical-demographic knowledge production in the broader context of development and modernization debates in Colombia. Physicians became allies of feminist demands for women’s access to education and the job market, opened the discussion for sexual education, and joined ranks with the broad coalition that advocated for responsible parenthood. At the same time, the “médicos-demógrafos” planned the distribution of contraceptive methods without much regard for women’s health. In highlighting these tensions, the article contributes to the complex history of gender, medicine and health in the Americas.Durante las décadas 1960 y 1970, médicos colombianos se mostraban preocupados ante el crecimiento demográfico – la denominada “bomba de población” – dirigiéndose a mujeres y hombres colombianos como sujetos que debían aprender a querer limitar el número de sus hijos. Las así llamadas “encuestas de fecundidad” se consideraban como clave para comprender las actitudes del pueblo colombiano frente al control de la natalidad. Además, los resultados de las encuestas fueron usados por los médicos para convencer a dirigentes políticos de que tenían que implementar programas de planificación familiar. Más allá de este uso estratégico, el presente artículo analiza las ideas sobre mujeres, hombres, sexualidad y relaciones maritales implicadas en las encuestas y la interpretación de sus resultados. De esta manera, el artículo sitúa este conocimiento médico-demográfico en un contexto más amplio de los debates acerca de desarrollo y modernización en el Colombia de la época. Los médicos podían ser aliados de las demandas feministas por el acceso de mujeres a oportunidades educativas y laborales. También abrieron espacios para hablar sobre la educación sexual y se unieron a la amplia coalición que proponía una paternidad responsable. Al mismo tiempo, los médicos-demógrafos planearon la distribución de métodos anticonceptivos considerando poco la salud de las mujeres que los usaban. Al mostrar estas tensiones, el artículo contribuye a la historia compleja de género, medicina y salud en América Latina

Derecho a la salud y cuidados en el acceso a medicamentos antirretrovirales: el reclamo de las mujeres según archivos del Estado argentino durante la crisis del año 2002

In situations where the right to health is at risk of being violated, women generate care strategies. The theoretical approach focuses on public policies with a rights approach, specifically the right to health in times of crisis and the role of women in claiming the State to access antiretroviral drugs (ARV). This work aims to document progress and challenges in relation to the exercise of the right to health by a particularly vulnerable population and reveal the empowerment of women in a historical context. So, according to the State archives during the 2002 crisis, the question is: what characteristics did women claim for access to ARVs have beyond their serological condition? The objective is to describe the claim of women for access to ARV drugs according to archives of the Argentine State in the framework of the 2002 crisis. As a source of information, records of ARV purchases by the National Ministry of Health and semi-structured interviews with key informants were used. The categories were: civil society claim for the right to health, visibility in the media and communication modality with representatives of the State. The characterization carried out is adjusted to the sources of information used and this is recognized as a limitation of the work, however, the value of the archive that shows the interventions carried out by women as a self-care strategy or in their role as caregivers is highlighted. to access medications. Characteristics of programmatic vulnerability are observed. Women show great power of struggle and empowerment, taking to the streets to expand their rights over the care of their bodies, pursuing a comprehensive view of health.In situations where the right to health is at risk of being violated, women generate care strategies. The theoretical approach focuses on public policies with a rights approach, specifically the right to health in times of crisis and the role of women in claiming the State to access antiretroviral drugs (ARV). This work aims to document progress and challenges in relation to the exercise of the right to health by a particularly vulnerable population and reveal the empowerment of women in a historical context. So, according to the State archives during the 2002 crisis, the question is: what characteristics did women claim for access to ARVs have beyond their serological condition? The objective is to describe the claim of women for access to ARV drugs according to archives of the Argentine State in the framework of the 2002 crisis. As a source of information, records of ARV purchases by the National Ministry of Health and semi-structured interviews with key informants were used. The categories were: civil society claim for the right to health, visibility in the media and communication modality with representatives of the State. The characterization carried out is adjusted to the sources of information used and this is recognized as a limitation of the work, however, the value of the archive that shows the interventions carried out by women as a self-care strategy or in their role as caregivers is highlighted. to access medications. Characteristics of programmatic vulnerability are observed. Women show great power of struggle and empowerment, taking to the streets to expand their rights over the care of their bodies, pursuing a comprehensive view of health.En situaciones donde el derecho a la salud corre riesgo de ser vulnerado, las mujeres generan estrategias de cuidado. El abordaje teórico se centra en las políticas públicas con enfoque de derechos, específicamente derecho a la salud en coyunturas de crisis y el rol de las mujeres en el reclamo al Estado para acceder a medicamentos antirretrovirales (ARV). Este trabajo se propone documentar avances y desafíos con relación al ejercicio del derecho a la salud por parte de una población especialmente vulnerable y develar el empoderamiento por parte de las mujeres en un contexto histórico. Entonces, según los archivos del Estado durante la crisis del año 2002, el interrogante es: ¿qué características tuvo el reclamo por el acceso a ARV por parte de las mujeres más allá de su condición serológica? El objetivo es describir el reclamo de las mujeres por el acceso a medicamentos ARV según archivos del Estado argentino en el marco de la crisis del año 2002. Como fuente de información se utilizaron expedientes de compra de ARV por parte del Ministerio de Salud de la Nación y entrevistas semiestructuradas a informantes clave. Las categorías fueron: reclamo de la sociedad civil por el derecho a la salud, visibilidad en los medios de comunicación y modalidad de comunicación con representantes del Estado. La caracterización realizada se ajusta a las fuentes de información utilizadas y eso se reconoce como una limitante del trabajo, no obstante, se pone de relieve el valor de archivo que logra mostrar las intervenciones que realizaron las mujeres como estrategia de autocuidado o en su rol de cuidadoras para acceder a medicamentos. Se observan características de vulnerabilidad programática. Las mujeres muestran gran poder de lucha y empoderamiento, ganando las calles para ampliar derechos sobre el cuidado de sus cuerpos, persiguiendo una mirada integral de la salud

Between Women: Female Health Workers and the Struggle to Transform Diets in Rural Mexico, 1920-1960

This article explores food and foodways in Mexico through the analysis of nutrition discourses and the experience of a visiting nurse in the state of Guanajuato in the middle of the twentieth century. After the Mexican revolution there was an increased interest in changing the diet of the poor. The idea behind nutrition discourses was that a better diet would improve the health and productivity of workers, and eventually boost their earnings. Understandings of good nutrition were influenced by eugenics and the discourse of mestizaje, which materialized in welfare programs. Women played a key role as they were responsible for implementing these programs as well as the main target of them. The experience of a visiting nurse reveals gender and social class dynamics as well as negotiations needed to implement state programs. It also shows the limited success of state policy as it was unable to address the main problems: lack of resources and access to basic services. Eventually peasant and working-class diet changed as a result of increased processed food consumption, having a negative impact on the health of most Mexicans.This article explores food and foodways in Mexico through the analysis of nutrition discourses and the experience of a visiting nurse in the state of Guanajuato in the middle of the twentieth century. After the Mexican revolution there was an increased interest in changing the diet of the poor. The idea behind nutrition discourses was that a better diet would improve the health and productivity of workers, and eventually boost their earnings. Understandings of good nutrition were influenced by eugenics and the discourse of mestizaje, which materialized in welfare programs. Women played a key role as they were responsible for implementing these programs as well as the main target of them. The experience of a visiting nurse reveals gender and social class dynamics as well as negotiations needed to implement state programs. It also shows the limited success of state policy as it was unable to address the main problems: lack of resources and access to basic services. Eventually peasant and working-class diet changed as a result of increased processed food consumption, having a negative impact on the health of most Mexicans.El presente artículo explora los discursos y las practicas alimenticias entre 1920 y 1960 a través del análisis de las políticas y programas nutricionales en México. Tras la revolución mexicana incrementó el interés en torno a cómo mejorar la alimentación de las clases obreras y campesinas. Médicos y creadores de políticas públicas consideraron que una mejor dieta tendría un impacto positivo en la salud y productividad de los trabajadores, lo cual eventualmente se reflejaría en su salario. Se asumía que los trabajadores se ausentaban del espacio laboral debido a enfermedad o debilidad física, lo cual afectaba su productividad e ingresos. Los discursos de nutrición estuvieron influenciados por las teorías eugenésicas, así como por la ideología del mestizaje, lo cual se materializaba en los programas de bienestar social creados por el estado mexicano. Las mujeres tuvieron un papel central en dichos programas, ya que estuvieron a cargo de implementarlos y además fueron blanco principal de éstos. Las enfermeras visitadoras y los médicos trataron de introducir ideales y valores de clase media en la vida cotidiana de obreros y campesinos, sin abordar los problemas centrales: la falta de recursos y acceso a servicios básicos

Confronting Bolivia's "Lack of Demographic Capacity": Protonatalism in Post-Revolutionary Bolivia, 1950s-1970s

After coming to power in April 1952, the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) looked to address Bolivia’s economic problems, in part, through initiatives encouraging population growth. A 1953 report highlighted underpopulation as a cause of Bolivia’s limited economic potential. The solution to Bolivia’s “lack of demographic capacity” was public health measures that would lower morbidity and mortality rates and encourage reproduction to boost the country’s human capital. This article analyzes prevalent pronatalist tendencies in the MNR government, including positive eugenics and criticism of birth control, to demonstrate the centrality of population growth to the MNR’s political and economic agenda. At a time when other Latin American countries began implementing population control measures as a pathway to economic growth and political stability, as recommended by the United States and international organizations, Bolivia diverged from global discourses about overpopulation and embraced pronatalism. While the MNR welcomed some global development ideologies associated with modernization, they rejected population control and reframed population debates towards population growth and demographic reorganization. They married pronatalism with a modernizing agenda and revolutionary nationalism, demonstrating that MNR policies were fundamentally conservative on matters of reproduction and gender roles.After coming to power in April 1952, the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) looked to address Bolivia’s economic problems, in part, through initiatives encouraging population growth. A 1953 report highlighted underpopulation as a cause of Bolivia’s limited economic potential. The solution to Bolivia’s “lack of demographic capacity” was public health measures that would lower morbidity and mortality rates and encourage reproduction to boost the country’s human capital. This article analyzes prevalent pronatalist tendencies in the MNR government, including positive eugenics and criticism of birth control, to demonstrate the centrality of population growth to the MNR’s political and economic agenda. At a time when other Latin American countries began implementing population control measures as a pathway to economic growth and political stability, as recommended by the United States and international organizations, Bolivia diverged from global discourses about overpopulation and embraced pronatalism. While the MNR welcomed some global development ideologies associated with modernization, they rejected population control and reframed population debates towards population growth and demographic reorganization. They married pronatalism with a modernizing agenda and revolutionary nationalism, demonstrating that MNR policies were fundamentally conservative on matters of reproduction and gender roles.Después de llegar al poder en abril de 1952, el Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) buscó abordar los problemas económicos de Bolivia, en parte, a través de iniciativas que alentaban el crecimiento demográfico. Un informe de 1953 señaló que la subpoblación era una causa particular del limitado potencial económico de Bolivia. La solución a la “falta de capacidad demográfica” de Bolivia eran medidas de salud pública que reducirían las tasas de morbilidad y mortalidad y alentarían la reproducción para impulsar el capital humano del país. En este artículo se analizan las tendencias pronatalistas prevalentes en el gobierno del MNR, incluyendo eugenesia positiva y críticas al control de la natalidad, para demostrar la centralidad del crecimiento demográfico en la agenda política y económica del MNR. En un momento en que otros países latinoamericanos comenzaron a implementar medidas de control de la población como un camino hacia el crecimiento económico y la estabilidad política, como recomendaron los Estados Unidos y las organizaciones internacionales, Bolivia se desvió de los discursos mundiales sobre la sobrepoblación y abrazó el pronatalismo. Si bien el MNR adoptó algunas ideologías de desarrollo global asociadas con la modernización, rechazó el control de la población y refrenaba los debates hacia el crecimiento demográfico y la reorganización demográfica. Se casaron el pronatalismo con una agenda modernizadora y nacionalismo revolucionario, demostrando que las políticas del MNR eran fundamentalmente conservadoras en materia de reproducción y roles de género

Ideología, imaginarios y violencia política en los Andes durante el siglo XIX

The six articles of this section study the relation between political violence, ideological aspects, and ideas of the political in the Andean countries (the current republics of Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia).The six articles of this section study the relation between political violence, ideological aspects, and ideas of the political in the Andean countries (the current republics of Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia).El presente dossier consta de 6 artículos que exploran la relación entre la violencia política y los aspectos ideológicos e imaginarios de la política en los países andinos (las actuales repúblicas de Bolivia, Perú, Ecuador y Colombia)