26 research outputs found

    Mukhtār and the Mahdī: A Critical Inquiry into the Sources

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    Begreppet al-mahdÄ« Ă€r grundlĂ€ggande i shÄ«Êżitisk islam. Det betyder ordagrant “den rĂ€ttledde”. I den shÄ«Êżitiska tolvsekten har ordet kommit att beteckna den dolde Imamen som en dag ska Ă„terkomma för att rĂ€dda sina anhĂ€ngare och Ă„terstĂ€lla rĂ€ttvisa pĂ„ jorden – en slags messiasgestalt. Det rĂ„der nĂ€ra konsensus bland forskare som sysslar med tidig islam om att den som först anvĂ€nde ordet al-mahdÄ« i dess eskatologiska betydelse var den shÄ«Êżitiske rebelledaren al-Mukhtār (d. 686), nĂ€r han tillĂ€mpade det pĂ„ Muáž„ammad b. al-កanafiyya, en son till ÊżAlÄ«. I föreliggande studie ifrĂ„gasĂ€tter jag denna uppfattning, och argumenterar för att det visserligen kan belĂ€ggas att Mukhtār anvĂ€nde titeln al-mahdÄ« för Ibn al-កanafiyya, men inte att han anvĂ€nde den i en messiansk bemĂ€rkelse. Den betydelsen kan inte belĂ€ggas förrĂ€n strax efter hans död. Avslutningsvis gör jag gĂ€llande att denna frĂ„ga Ă€r metodologiskt snarare Ă€n historiskt viktig

    En ny mÀnniska och en ny stat : Apokalyptiska förestÀllningar i Islamiska statens propaganda

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    Studien visar hur Islamiska statens (IS) propaganda under 2010-talets mitt var fylld av förestĂ€llningar om tidens slut. Ett av IS-kalifatets frĂ€msta syften var att bereda vĂ€gen för den yttersta tiden, och den enskilda mĂ€nniskan uppmanades att vĂ€lja vilken sida hon eller han ville stĂ„ pĂ„ nĂ€r Guds dom faller över vĂ€rlden. I artikeln lyfts IS tanke om den rĂ€ttrogna muslimens frĂ€mlingskap i vĂ€rlden fram: genom att ta stĂ€llning för det sanna islam och ”migrera” till kalifatet i bĂ„de mental och fysisk mening, skulle frĂ€mlingskapet upphĂ€vas och mĂ€nniskans liv bli Ă€kta

    Three Times Karbalāʟ : Comparing Early Accounts of the Death of al-កusayn

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    Karbala-berÀttelsen: frÄn skÀrmytsling till kosmiskt sla

    The Date of the Story of the Tawwābƫn

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    The movement of the TawwābĆ«n (“Penitents”) emerged after the killing of កusayn b. ÊżAlÄ« at Karbalāʟ in 61/680. Although several scholars have held that the story of the TawwābĆ«n is indeed old, it has been little studied. In this article an analysis is made of a central section of the story: the account about the TawwābĆ«n’s visit at កusayn’s grave. The three versions of this account is analysed by means of tradition- and content critical methods. It is concluded that behind the three versions lie two earlier reports that date back at least to the end of the 1st century AH/the beginning of the 8th century CE. This story is, hence, of importance for the study of the early development of ShÄ«Êżite ideas and rituals.HĂ€mnd eller martyrium! BerĂ€ttelsen om Botgörarna som en lĂ€nk till Shi`ismens tidiga utveckling

    Myth, ritual, and the early development of Shiite identity

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    The developing myth about the events at Karbala, as well as the image of al-កusayn b. ÊżAlÄ« and the cult connected with him, were important factors in the shaping of early Shiite identity. In this article, I argue that some of the earliest traces of this process are found in the account of the TawwābĆ«n, or Penitents, events which took place in the years immediately following the death of al-កusayn at Karbala in 60 AH/680 CE. Important elements of this story originate at least as early as the late first century AH/early eighth century CE. In the story we see the image of al-កusayn in process of transformation from that of someone merely human to someone ascribed traits that transcend the human. In the same process, the story of his death at Karbala is in process of being elevated from a tragic story to a myth with its associated rituals.Open Access APC beslut 4/2018HĂ€mnd eller martyrium! BerĂ€ttelsen om Botgörarna som en lĂ€nk till Shi`ismens tidiga utveckling

    Closed and open concepts of religion : The problem of essentialism in teaching about religion

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    Essentialist concepts of religion are common in the teaching of religion in schools and to a certain extent also in the academic discipline of religious studies. In this article, a number of problems with essentialist perceptions of religion are discussed. In the first part of the article a thesis is maintained, according to which essentialist conceptions of religion or specific religions are too limited to be of value in the teaching of religion. This is done through examples of essentialist expressions on religion. The examples are grouped according to a typology of different kinds of essentialism. Two main categories, each with two sub-categories are identified. Thus, the category of essentialism regarding the substance of religion is divided into transcendental or theological essentialism (which presupposes the existence of a sacred power of some kind, the experience of which is the basis for religion), and core essentialism (where it is presupposed that certain ideas or concepts constitute religion as a general category or specific religions). Likewise, the category of essentialism regarding the function of religion has two sub-categories: positive and negative essentialism. These kinds of essentialism presuppose that religion or specific religions are inherently good or harmful respectively to human be-ings. Examples from each of these categories are given and discussed. In the second part of the article, Benson Saler’s open concept of religion is presented as an alternative to essentialist or bounded perceptions. It is based on Ludwig Wittgenstein’s idea of family resemblances and on prototype theory. In connection with this, it is argued that a certain kind of conscious ethnocentrism is needed as a point of departure in the study and teaching of religion. The metaphor of education as a journey from the familiar out into the unfamiliar and back again is suggested as a possible pattern for such teaching.Essentialism i religionsundervisninge

    Al-Mukhtār and the Aesthetics of Persuasion

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    The first ShiÊżi leader with true political power – although it was limited in space and time – after the death of ÊżAli b. AbÄ« áčŹÄlib was al-Mukhtār b. AbÄ« ÊżUbayd (d. 67/687). In this paper, I will argue that one reason why he succeeded in his political ambitions was that he legitimized his endeavor by deferring to ÊżAli. In doing this he set a precedent for all future ShiÊżi leadership. Al-Mukhtār gained authority by convincing his followers about his function as mediator between the people and the deceased ÊżAli, who was still supposed to be alive and active in one way or another by many ShiÊżis. As a tool of analysis I use the notion of religious aesthetics as it has been developed by Birgit Meyer and others. Meyer regards religion as a practice of mediation between the temporal and the perceived transcendental worlds, a mediation that is performed by appealing to all human senses through various media. The person in control of these media has the power to distribute and withhold religious sensations generated in the devotees; what Meyer calls “the aesthetics of persuasion”. In the paper, I will investigate three instruments of mediation used by al-Mukhtār: a living human being, a religio-political action, and an artefact. The first is his claim to act on behalf of ÊżAli’s son Ibn al-កanafiyya, whom he called al-mahdÄ«, “the rightly guided”; the second, his call to revenge for ÊżAli’s son al-កusayn; and the third, his claim that he was in possession of an ÊżAlid relic, a chair that had belonged to ÊżAli. I will briefly argue that the accounts of these three instruments most probably reflect a historical reality. Of these three, in particular the designation of a mahdÄ« was a feature that became influential in shaping ShiÊżite patterns of authority in the centuries to follow.Nutida shiitiska auktoritetsförhandlinga

    Mukhtār and the Mahdī : a critical inquiry into the sources

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    The concept of al-mahdÄ« is one of the most important theological ideas in ShiÊżism. Its literary meaning is ‘the rightly guided’, and this is how it was probably used in the first decades after the Prophet Muhammad. In Twelver ShiÊżism it has come to denote the hidden Imam, who will one day return to redeem his followers and restore justice on earth, and in that sense it is akin to the Christian idea of the Messiah. Among scholars of early Islam there is near consensus on the view that the transition of meaning, from its literal meaning ‘the rightly guided’ to an eschatological redeemer, occurred with the ShiÊżite rebel leader al-Mukhtār b. AbÄ« ÊżUbayd (d. 686) when he applied it to Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, the son of ÊżAlÄ«. In the present study I will contest that view. I will hold that, while it can be established from the sources that Mukhtār probably spoke of Ibn al-Hanafiyya as al-mahdÄ«, they do not support his use of this title in a messianic sense. This eschatological meaning can only be verified soon after his death.Begreppet al-mahdÄ« Ă€r ett av de grundlĂ€ggande teologiska begreppen i shiÊżitisk islam. Det betyder ordagrant ’den rĂ€ttledde’, och det var troligen sĂ„ ordet anvĂ€ndes under de första Ă„rtiondena efter Muhammads död. I den shiÊżitiska tolvsekten har ordet kommit att beteckna den dolde Imamen som en dag ska Ă„terkomma för att rĂ€dda sina anhĂ€ngare och Ă„terstĂ€lla rĂ€ttvisa pĂ„ jorden – en slags messiasgestalt. Det rĂ„der nĂ€ra nog konsensus bland de forskare som sysslar med tidig islam om att den som först anvĂ€nde ordet al-mahdÄ« i dess eskatologiska betydelse var den shiÊżitiske rebelledaren al-Mukhtār b. AbÄ« ÊżUbayd (d. 686), nĂ€r han tillĂ€mpade det pĂ„ Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, en son till ÊżAlÄ«. I denna studie ifrĂ„gasĂ€tter jag denna uppfattning, och argumenterar för att det visserligen kan belĂ€ggas att Mukhtār anvĂ€nde titeln al-mahdÄ« för Ibn al-Hanafiyya, men inte att han anvĂ€nde den i en messiansk bemĂ€rkelse. Den betydelsen kan inte belĂ€ggas förrĂ€n strax efter hans död.Nutida shiitiska auktoritetsförhandlingarHĂ€mnd eller martyrium! BerĂ€ttelsen om Botgörarna som en lĂ€nk till Shi`ismens tidiga utveckling

    The Date of the Story of the Tawwābƫn

    No full text
    The movement of the TawwābĆ«n (“Penitents”) emerged after the killing of កusayn b. ÊżAlÄ« at Karbalāʟ in 61/680. Although several scholars have held that the story of the TawwābĆ«n is indeed old, it has been little studied. In this article an analysis is made of a central section of the story: the account about the TawwābĆ«n’s visit at កusayn’s grave. The three versions of this account is analysed by means of tradition- and content critical methods. It is concluded that behind the three versions lie two earlier reports that date back at least to the end of the 1st century AH/the beginning of the 8th century CE. This story is, hence, of importance for the study of the early development of ShÄ«Êżite ideas and rituals.HĂ€mnd eller martyrium! BerĂ€ttelsen om Botgörarna som en lĂ€nk till Shi`ismens tidiga utveckling

    Mukhtār and the Mahdī : a critical inquiry into the sources

    No full text
    The concept of al-mahdÄ« is one of the most important theological ideas in ShiÊżism. Its literary meaning is ‘the rightly guided’, and this is how it was probably used in the first decades after the Prophet Muhammad. In Twelver ShiÊżism it has come to denote the hidden Imam, who will one day return to redeem his followers and restore justice on earth, and in that sense it is akin to the Christian idea of the Messiah. Among scholars of early Islam there is near consensus on the view that the transition of meaning, from its literal meaning ‘the rightly guided’ to an eschatological redeemer, occurred with the ShiÊżite rebel leader al-Mukhtār b. AbÄ« ÊżUbayd (d. 686) when he applied it to Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, the son of ÊżAlÄ«. In the present study I will contest that view. I will hold that, while it can be established from the sources that Mukhtār probably spoke of Ibn al-Hanafiyya as al-mahdÄ«, they do not support his use of this title in a messianic sense. This eschatological meaning can only be verified soon after his death.Begreppet al-mahdÄ« Ă€r ett av de grundlĂ€ggande teologiska begreppen i shiÊżitisk islam. Det betyder ordagrant ’den rĂ€ttledde’, och det var troligen sĂ„ ordet anvĂ€ndes under de första Ă„rtiondena efter Muhammads död. I den shiÊżitiska tolvsekten har ordet kommit att beteckna den dolde Imamen som en dag ska Ă„terkomma för att rĂ€dda sina anhĂ€ngare och Ă„terstĂ€lla rĂ€ttvisa pĂ„ jorden – en slags messiasgestalt. Det rĂ„der nĂ€ra nog konsensus bland de forskare som sysslar med tidig islam om att den som först anvĂ€nde ordet al-mahdÄ« i dess eskatologiska betydelse var den shiÊżitiske rebelledaren al-Mukhtār b. AbÄ« ÊżUbayd (d. 686), nĂ€r han tillĂ€mpade det pĂ„ Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, en son till ÊżAlÄ«. I denna studie ifrĂ„gasĂ€tter jag denna uppfattning, och argumenterar för att det visserligen kan belĂ€ggas att Mukhtār anvĂ€nde titeln al-mahdÄ« för Ibn al-Hanafiyya, men inte att han anvĂ€nde den i en messiansk bemĂ€rkelse. Den betydelsen kan inte belĂ€ggas förrĂ€n strax efter hans död.Nutida shiitiska auktoritetsförhandlingarHĂ€mnd eller martyrium! BerĂ€ttelsen om Botgörarna som en lĂ€nk till Shi`ismens tidiga utveckling
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