Danskernes klassebevidsthed 1954 og 2015: Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose

Over de senere år har der i såvel videnskabelige kredse som i den bredere offentlighed bredt sig en opfattelse af, at befolkningerne i vestlige lande som Danmark ikke længere ser samfundet som klasseopdelt eller i det hele taget kan forholde sig til begrebet “klasse” – det er blevet irrelevant for dem. Med udgangspunkt i teorier om klassebevidsthed og ved hjælp af Valgundersøgelsen 2015 viser artiklen, at der ikke er hold i denne påstand. Tværtimod mener fx tre ud af fire danskere adspurgt i 2014/15, at samfundet er klassedelt, og betydelige andele giver også udtryk for andre elementer af klassebevidsthed. Resultaterne fra 2014/15 er ydermere – og på trods af store samfundsændringer i den mellemliggende periode – stort set på niveau med svarene i en tilsvarende undersøgelse gennemført i 1954

Public policy-making and risk profiles: Scandinavian centre-right governments after the turn of the millennium

Recent theoretical advances in the welfare state literature have outlined the differences between labour market- and life course-related schemes as centre-right parties have difficulties in enacting retrenchment on life course-related schemes because these concern every voter. In contrast, the textbook risk profile of centre-right parties’ electorates allows them to cutback on labour market-related schemes as these parties get negligible support from workers and low-income voters. Conducting a comparative case study of recent Danish and Swedish centre-right governments, this article analyses the stylized assumptions on the party level by comparing two similar centre-right governments, which differed in their voter coalitions’ risk profile. I first argue that centre-right governments are generally constrained by the popular entrenchment of the universal welfare state when it comes to life course-related welfare schemes. Second, I argue that the leeway on labour market-related schemes is contingent on the actual risk profile of the centre-right’s electorate, and thereby move beyond the stylized assumptions from recent literature. In this respect, the Danish centre-right did, in contrast to its Swedish counterpart, gain power with an unusual high support among workingclass voters which constrained its latitude on labour market-related schemes. I find that the Danish centre-right governments after 2001 acted with bound hands thanks to its high working-class backing, and refrained from outright cutbacks on both labour market- and life course-related schemes until 2010 except for labour market outsiders. In contrast, the Swedish centre-right had a much lower working-class backing and therefore engaged in some outright cutbacks of labour market-related schemes such as unemployment benefits directly after taking office 2006. The centre-right’s actual voter coalition’s risk profile is thus an important determinant for its public policies and its leeway for policy-seeking

The state of Denmark: what voters can tell us about the future of the Danish ideal

Denmark is often held up as an ideal society with a well-functioning welfare state, low levels of corruption, and high levels of social and political stability. But behind this perception, the country is facing up to a number of important challenges. Drawing on a new book, Rune Stubager, Kasper M. Hansen, Michael S. Lewis-Beck and Richard Nadeau explain how voters have responded to key macrosocial challenges since the 1970s and assess where this leaves the future of the Danish ideal

Does class-based campaigning work? How working class appeals attract and polarize voters

Recent elections have featured various politicians directly appealing to the working class, yet we know little about how citizens react to class appeals from candidates. We investigate this question using survey experiments conducted in the United States and Denmark. We show that symbolic class rhetoric substantially influences candidate evaluations and ultimately polarizes these evaluations across class lines. We also unpack how class appeals work and find that while they increase perceptions of representation among working class voters, they have a more limited effect on perceptions of candidates’ ideological position. Our results help explain how class affects voter decision-making and contribute to broader discussions about the role of political elites in activating social cleavages.Institutions, Decisions and Collective Behaviou