Integration and democracy in the EU’s foreign and security policy

Introduction: In this paper I seek to discuss the claim of an emerging democratic deficit in the field of foreign and security policy. In order to do so, it is necessary to have a clearer picture of the degree and form of integration in this domain. It is only when this is clarified that we can establish whether or not the CFSP should be considered to give rise to new democratic problems or if it has rather has enhanced the democratic credentials of European foreign policy. In this preliminary draft the main focus is on identifying the key elements of the reconfiguration of European foreign and security policy in the context of the EU. The analysis of democratic implications is so far tentative and not fully developed neither theoretically nor empirically

Western policy-making in the Polish crisis (1980-83): The problem of coordination.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the Western states responded to the Polish crisis (1980-83), both severally and collectively, with particular reference to their capacity for coordinated action. The thesis concentrates on the interaction between the major Western states (France, the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States) inside the broader Western institutional framework (looking in particular at NATO, the European Community, European Political Cooperation and CoCom). It assesses the impact and relative importance of the various Western institutional networks and of longer term conflicting Western aims in Poland for the success and failure of coordination. It also analyses the relevance of wider transatlantic disputes over detente for coordination. It is argued that the domestic Polish crisis gradually spilled over into East-West and West-West relations, ultimately triggering one of the most serious crises in the history of the Western alliance. The thesis is different from that of other studies of international crises in that most such studies concentrate on relations between governments who identify each other as "enemies", whereas the main concern here is with relations within one "enemy camp". Highlighting the political and economic, as well as security dimensions to the crisis, the thesis also shows that the Western states were faced with a more complex problem than a classic foreign policy crisis. Finally, the complexity of the issues raised as a result of the Polish crisis meant that the Western states were faced not only with the problem of reconciling different and sometimes conflicting national objectives, but also with the need to reconcile contradictory economic, political and security concerns cutting across national borders. Against this backdrop the thesis argues that the problem of coordination is more complex than what is implied by the neo-realist and neo-liberal institutionalist perspectives, and that the success and failure of coordination rests with the individual states, navigating within the constraints of domestic politics, alliance politics and international [in this case East-West] relations

"The EU as a ‘normative power’: how can this be?"

This paper criticizes existing conceptions of the EU as a 'civilian’/’normative’/’civilizing’ power for lacking sufficient precision. Further, it argues that such conceptions are normatively biased. Implying that the EU is a ‘force for goodness’ they lack the necessary criteria and assessment standards to qualify or substantiate such conclusions. In order to rescue the argument of the EU as a ‘normative’ power the paper suggests that the core feature of a putative normative or civilizing power would be that it acts in order to transform the parameters of power politics through a focus on strengthening the international legal system. The paper concludes that from such a perspective there is a tension in the EU’s approach to international affairs

Gamle problemer i ny drakt: EFs utvidelsesproblemer i 1990-årene

På begynnelsen av 1990-tallet stod et stort antall land i kø for å søke medlemskap i EF, og det var forventet at stadig flere østeuropeiske land ville komme til å søke. Dette gav EF flere problemstillinger å forholde seg til. Hvor går Europas grenser? Hva er EFs identitet og målsetting? Kan strukturen for organisasjonen opprettholdes? Og hvis ikke, hvordan skal den endres? Helene Sjursen tar opp disse spørsmålene gjennom en historisk oversikt og en drøfting av problematikken rundt de videre utvidelsene av EF

Reinforcing executive dominance: Norway and the EU's foreign and security policy

When Norwegian citizens voted no to European Union membership, the idea that it would be possible to conduct a foreign policy that was different from that of the European great powers if the country remained outside the Union was important. Nevertheless, Norway has entered into a set of separate agreements with the EU in the domain of foreign and security policy. The chapter examines the main features of Norway's policy towards the EU. It finds that in the making of this policy the balance has tipped even more in favour of action capacity and executive dominance. The formal limitations on parliament's opportunity to influence the whole spectrum of foreign policy are somewhat compensated for in that the government informs parliament of its activities in various ways. Parliament receives written reports, amongst other things on Norway's relationship with international organisations such as the North American treaty organization (NATO), the Council of Europe and the Nordic Council of Ministers. This is an Accepted Manuscript of a chapter by Taylor & Francis, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/

Global Justice and Foreign Policy. The case of the European Union

Since its inception, the European Union has proclaimed an ambition to promote values and justice at the global level. In this paper, I discuss how we can assess a foreign policy that has such an ambition. There is no common understanding of how claims to justice beyond borders should be met. Further, in order to be relevant, any critical assessment of foreign policy must take into consideration the constraints of global politics, while at the same time not losing sight of normative requirements. In order to take heed of these concerns, I suggest an analytical framework based on three different conceptions of global justice. These conceptions come with strengths and weaknesses, as they prioritise some challenges to global justice over others. The differences between these conceptions facilitate the empirical effort of discerning inhibiting and facilitating factors for the conduct of a just foreign policy – of taking into account the constraints of global politics. At the same time, the framework acknowledges the contested nature of justice without compromising on the need to assess foreign policy practice against explicit normative criteria. The approach makes it possible for the analyst to provide a more nuanced assessment as well as one based on what might be considered feasible criteria for justice, and to specify the strengths and weaknesses of the observed foreign policy practice from different perspectives

The legitimacy of European Union foreign policy

In this article I enquire into the sources of legitimacy of the European Union's (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy. I suggest that as the EU has moved beyond intergovernmentalism in this policy field, it cannot derive its legitimacy solely from the national systems of the member states. It must establish an additional channel of legitimacy, which is derived directly from the EU. Challenging the conventional position on the legitimacy of global governance institutions, I further suggest that EU institutions can only make a reasonable claim to prevail over the member states in this policy field if they contribute to enhance the normative status of the foreign policy. That the co-operative endeavour is mutually beneficial is not a sufficient basis for the legitimacy of EU foreign policy. Drawing on a deliberative perspective, I suggest that we may expect to find two mutually reinforcing sources of legitimacy at the EU level. However, these would mainly contribute to enhance the external legitimacy of the CFPS. Paradoxically, they may at the same time constrain the internal legitimacy of the EU's foreign policy. This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/

The Common Foreign and Security Policy: an Emerging New Voice in International Politics?

CFSP/ESDP

‘Doing good’ in the world? Reconsidering the basis of the research agenda on the EU’s foreign and security policy

What kind of foreign policy may be produced by an entity such as the EU – which is neither a state nor an international organisation? The efforts to build a common European foreign and security policy forces us to rethink deep seated understandings of what foreign and security policy actually is and of what a polity is that can conduct such policies. It requires us to reassess core analytical categories in the study of international relations and foreign policy, such as those of rationality, power and sovereignty. Through a reconceptualisation of core concepts it is possible to develop a distinct empirical research agenda on European foreign and security policy, allowing us to move forward in terms of accounting for the emergence of this peculiar foreign policy actor.CFSP/ESDP; CFSP/ESDP; Europeanization; international relations; sovereignty